Island-sensitive Sluicing in Turkish Although sluicing has been

Island-sensitive Sluicing in Turkish Although sluicing has been

Island-sensitive Sluicing in Turkish
Although sluicing has been analyzed as being island-insensitive (Ross (1969), Merchant (2001),
among others), I demonstrate that sluicing in Turkish is island-sensitive. In Turkish, the wh-phrase in
an adjunct clause does not raise to matrix Spec-CP. Turkish has an optional Q-like particle –ki which
attaches to both yes-no and wh-interrogatives, (1-2). Because the clitic ki is optional, it cannot be a
Q-particle. However, its position after the Q-particle (1b) shows that it is in the CP-domain.
Furthermore, it occurs only in matrix clauses (3). The interaction between the wh-phrase in sluicing
structures and the particle ki provides evidence that this particle is in the CP because only whphrase(s) and other elements in the C0 domain can be spelled-out in sluicing structures.
First, it is not elided in matrix sluicing constructions (4). The elided element in B’s utterance is shown
in (5). In (5) the wh-phrase raises to the CP domain. IP is elided, and the wh-phrase and the particle ki
are sent to PF. That ki is pronounced with the wh-phrase is support that it is in the CP domain.
Second, when a wh-phrase is in an embedded complement clause, it and the particle ki are both
pronounced in sluicing constructions (6).
However, a wh-phrase in an adjunct clause cannot co-occur with ki in sluicing structures. In nonsluicing cases ki can occur (merge) in matrix clauses (7a'
-b'
), but in sluicing, a wh-phrase and ki
cannot co-occur (7a-b), in contrast to sluicing in complement clauses. This indicates that a whelement in an adjunct clause does not raise to matrix Spec-CP in Turkish.
The Complex NP Constraint is also observed in sluicing structures with ki (8). In non-sluicing cases,
ki occurs in the matrix clause and the clause is grammatical with interrogative force (8b) whereas in
sluicing structures, the wh-phrase and ki cannot co-occur (8c).
Complement clauses are not islands. A wh-phrase can move out of the complement clause. In Turkish,
a phrase in a complement clause can scramble to the right- or left-periphery of the matrix clause (9).
This contrasts with adjunct clauses which are islands and which do not allow a phrase to scramble to
the matrix clause (10).
The ungrammaticality of (7) and (8) demonstrates that adjunct and complex NP islands retain their
island-properties even in sluicing cases. Thus, sluicing in Turkish is island-sensitive. This finding in
Turkish has theoretical implications: that adjunct islands are not simply PF islands, counter to
Merchant’s (2001) assumption. If they were only PF islands, (7 a-b) would be possible (see also 7a'
'
b'
'
); i.e., when they are elided, the ‘*’ (island) feature would be deleted. The facts indicate that the ‘*’
feature remains in the structure and therefore adjunct islands in Turkish are more than PF-islands.
Examples:
(1) a. Ahmet geldi
mi
?
A.-Nom come-Past-3.s. Q-particle
‘Did Ahmet come?’
b. Ahmet geldi
mi
ki?
A.-Nom come-Past-3.s. Q-particle ki
‘Did Ahmet come, then?’
(2) a. Ahmet
ne
yedi?
A.-Nom what eat-Past-3.s.
‘What did Ahmet eat?’
b. Ahmet ne
yedi
ki?
A.-Nom what eat-Past-3.s. ki
‘What did Ahmet eat, then?’
(3) Hasan’ın ne yedi ini (*ki)
duydun?
H.-Gen. what eat-DIK-3.s.poss.-Acc. hear-Past-2.s.
‘What did you hear that Hasan ate (then)?’
(4) A: Dün
seni
biri
aradı.
Yesterday 2.s.pron.-Acc. one-Nom. call-Past-3.s.
‘Yesterday someone called you.’
B: Kim
ki?
Who-Nom. ki
‘Who, then?’ (as in “Oh? Who?”)
(5) Kim dün seni aradı ki?
(6) a. Hasan seni
birinin aradı ını
söyledi.
Kim
ki?
H-Nom. 2.s.pron.-Acc. one-Gen. call-DIK-3.s.poss.-Acc. say-Past-3.s. who-Nom. ki
‘Hasan said that someone called you. Who then?’
a'
. Hasan beni kimin aradı ını söyledi ki?
a'
'
. Kimi Hasan beni kimi aradı ını söyledi ki?
b. Hasan Ahmet’in birisine para verdi ini
söyledi.
Kime
ki?
H.-Nom. A.-Gen. one-Dat. money give-DIK-3.s.poss.-Acc. say-Past-3.s. Who-Dat. ki
‘Hasan said that Ahmet gave money to someone. Who to then? (as in “Oh? Who to?”)’
b'
. Hasan Ahmet’in kime para verdi ini söyledi ki?
b'
'
. Kimei Hasan Ahmet’in kimei para verdi ini söyledi ki?
(7) a. Biri
seni
arayınca Hasan çok sinirlendi.
Kim
(*ki)?
One-Nom 2.s.pron.-Acc. call-IncA H.-Nom.very get-angry-Past-3.s. Who-Nom. ki
‘When someone called you, Hasan got very angry. Who (then)?’
a'
. Kim seni arayınca Hasan çok sinirlendi ki?
a'
'
. *Kimi kimi seni arayınca Hasan çok sinirlendi ki?
b. Ali
birinden para alınca
Hasan çok sinirlendi.
Kimden (*ki)?
A.-Nom. one-Abl. money borrow-IncA H.-Nom.very get-angry-Past-3.s. Who-Dat. ki
‘When Ali borrowed money from someone, Hasan got very angry. Who from (then)?’
b'
. Ali kimden para alınca Hasan çok sinirlendi ki?
b'
'
. *Kimdeni Ali kimdeni para verince Hasan çok sinirlendi ki?
(8) a. A: Ahmet’in birini
vurdu u
söylentilerine
inanıyorum.
A.-Gen. one-Gen. shoot-DIK-3.s.poss. rumour-plu.-3.s.poss.-Dat. believe-Prog.-1.s.
‘I believe the rumour that Ahmet shot someone.’
B: *Kimi
ki?
Who-Acc. ki?
‘Who, then?’
b. Ahmet’in kimi vurdu u söylentilerine inanıyorsun ki?
c. *Kimii Ahmet’in kimii vurdu u soylentilerine inaniyorsun ki?
(9) a. Ahmet’ii Hasan [Ali’nin ti dövdü ünü] sanıyor.
b. Hasan [Ali’nin ti dövdü ünü] sanıyor Ahmet’ii.
‘Hasan thinks that Ali beat Ahmet.’
(10) *Ali’yij Ahmet a ladı [adjunct Hasan tj dövünce].
‘Ahmet cried when Hasan beat Ali.’
References
Merchant, Jason (2001). The syntax of silence: Sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis. Oxford
University Press: Oxford.
Ross, John R. (1969). Guess Who?, in R. Binnick, A. Davison, G. Green, and J. Morgan (eds.),
Papers from the 5th Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society. Chicago: Chicago
Linguistic Society, 252-286.