II. Mahmud - WordPress.com

Anadolu ve Rumeli’deki âyân ve hanedanlar›
bertaraf etme politikas› güden Sultan Mahmud,
1821’de bafllayan Rum ‹syan› ve bu
ayaklanman›n bast›r›lmas›nda mühim bir rol
oynayan Mehmed Ali Pafla’n›n daha fazla toprak
ve vergi geliri talepleri karfl›s›nda kritik bir karar
aflamas›na gelmiflti. Krizden ya Avrupal› büyük
güçlerle ve siyasetin yerli aktörleriyle pazarl›k ve
uzlaflmaya giderek ç›kacak ya da devlet ricali ve
‹stanbul kamuoyunun yönlendirilmesiyle
oluflturulacak “acil hal” ikliminde kurulacak örfi
idareyle ülkedeki hâkimiyetini güçlendirecek bir
politik restorasyona kalk›flacakt›.
Mamafih sultan›n iktidar›n›n önündeki tek
engel, ülke içindeki direnç de¤ildi. Sultan›n
saltanat y›llar› Avrupa’da, 1789 sonras›
Cumhuriyet Fransas›’ndan bafllayarak kitle
ordular›n›n iyice büyümesine flahit olmufltu.
Frans›z Devrimi sadece hürriyet ve adalet de¤il,
eflitlik iddias›yla da gelmifl; yeni hükümet
köylülere yük oldu¤u gerekçesiyle kald›rd›¤›
zorunlu milislik yerine 18-25 yafl aras› bütün
gençlere zorunlu yurttafl askerli¤ini getirmiflti.
Napoleon’un yay›lmac› politikas› karfl›s›nda
di¤er Avrupa monarflileri de bu kervana
kat›lmak zorunda kald›. Osmanl› hükümeti de
büyük bir piyade ordusuna ihtiyaç hisseden bu
devletler aras›ndayd›.
III. Selim ve Alemdar Mustafa Pafla’n›n deneyip
de baflaramad›¤› proje bu kez II. Mahmud’un
Driven by the policy to eliminate the ayans
(local notables) and dynasties of Anatolia and
Rumelia, Sultan Mahmud now had to make a
decision about answering the demands for more
land and tax revenues that were being made by
Mehmet Ali Pasha in return for his services in
the suppression of the Greek Rebellion, that had
started in 1821. The present crisis could be
overcome either by negotiating and bargaining
with the European superpowers and the local
political actors or with a political restoration
that would be formed through a martial law
regime; this latter would be in a climate of “a
state of emergency”, based on the manipulation
of the ruling elite and public opinion in
Istanbul.
However, the resistance within the country was
not the only obstacle standing in the way of the
sultan’s power. Starting with Republican France
after 1789, during the years of the sultan’s rule,
the mass armies in Europe greatly increased in
size. The French Revolution did not bring only
liberty and justice; it also brought the promise of
equality. The new government, with the
argument that the militia was a burden on the
villagers, introduced a national military service
that was compulsory for all young people
between the ages of 18 and 25. In response to
Napoleon’s encroaching policies, the other
European monarchies were forced to join the
caravan. The Ottoman state was among those
* ‹stanbul Üniversitesi
Yeniçeri, II. Mahmud dönemi
binbafl›s›, Topçubafl›, Nizâm-›
Cedîd (III. Selim dönemi)
binbafl›s›
Janissaries, a major during the
era of Mahmud II, a Nizam›
Cedid major (era of Selim III)
(Brindesi)
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states which felt a need for a large infantry
force.
The project that Selim III and Alemdar Mustafa
Pasha attempted, but were unsuccessful with,
now lay in front of Mahmud II: to form the
nucleus of a new central army either within the
Janissary corps or in the place of these, and to
do this without dragging the Muslim and
non-Muslim subjects into politics.
Immediately after the news that the Greek
Rebellion had been suppressed had been
received, the sultan and the statesmen, the
ulama and the aghas of the corps who were
acting with the sultan went into action to
establish new troops within the Janissary Corps,
under the name of the Eshkindji. Before long,
what was expected occurred and the Janissaries
rebelled. The sultan and his team, not missing
this opportunity, used violent means to
eliminate the Corps. Thus, the last great
organized force that had stood in the way of
restructuring the military and the political
centralizing project was removed.
Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediyye and
European-Style Training
Immediately after the official abolition of the
corps on 17 June 1826, the newly-established
army was named the Asâkir-i Mansûre-i
Muhammediyye. Mahmud II’s man inside the
corps who had worked for its abolition, Agha
Hüseyin Pasha, was made the commander-inchief of the new army. ‹brahim Saib Efendi, who
had served in the last attempt as naz›r (chief
commissioner) of the Eflkinci, was appointed
chief commissioner of the Asâkir-i Mansûre;
likewise, Mehmed Yekta Efendi, who was the
kethüda kâtibi of the Janissary Corps, was then
appointed as scribe of the new army.
The military personnel were to form 8 regiments,
making the existing manpower here total
12,000 people; they were to be trained based on
contemporary European drills. However, there
were only a few soldiers and officers available for
the Ottoman government who were aware of
the European style of military drills. Necib
Efendi, the permanent representative of
Mehmed Ali Pasha (the governor of Egypt),
in Istanbul, who had found and brought Major
Davud A¤a of the Egyptian army during the
Eshkindji experience, was summoned once again
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önündeydi: ya oca¤›n içinde ya da oca¤›n yerine,
yeni bir merkez ordusunun nüvesini oluflturmak,
bunu da Müslim ve gayrimüslim tebaay› siyasete
bulaflt›rmadan yapmak...
um ‹syan›’n›n bast›r›ld›¤› haberinin gelmesinden
hemen sonra, sultan ve onunla birlikte hareket
eden rical, ulema ve ocak a¤alar›, Yeniçeri
Oca¤› içinde Eflkinci ad› alt›nda yeni birlikler
kurulmas› için harekete geçti. Çok geçmeden
muhtemelen bekledikleri oldu ve ocakl› tak›m›
kazanlar›n› kald›rd›. Bu f›rsat› kaç›rmayan sultan
ve ekibi de, fliddet kullanarak oca¤› ortadan
kald›rd›. Böylece, sadece askerî bir yeniden
yap›lanman›n de¤il, siyasi merkeziyetçilik
projesinin de önünde duran son büyük organize
güç kald›r›lm›fl oldu.
Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediye
ve Frenk Talimi
Oca¤›n 17 Haziran 1826’da resmen ilgas›ndan
hemen sonra kurulan yeni orduya, Asâkir-i
Mansûre-i Muhammediyye ismi verilmiflti. Oca¤›n
kald›r›lmas›na giden yolda II. Mahmud’un ocak
içindeki has adam› olan A¤a Hüseyin Pafla, yeni
orduya serasker yap›ld›. Eflkinci naz›r› olarak son
denemede görev yapm›fl ‹brahim Saib Efendi
Asâkir-i Mansûre nezâretine, oca¤›n kethüda
kâtibi Mehmed Yekta Efendi ise Asâkir-i
Mansûre baflkitâbetine tayin edildi.
12.000 kiflilik sekiz tertipten meydana gelmesi
planlanan ordu personelinin, Avrupa’da cari
talim metotlar›yla yetifltirilmesi öngörülüyordu.
Ancak Osmanl› hükümetinin elinde Avrupa
taliminden haberdar olan az say›da nefer ve zabit
vard›. Eflkinci tecrübesi s›ras›nda, zaman›nda
M›s›r ordusunda görev yapm›fl Binbafl› Davud
A¤a’y› bulup getiren M›s›r Valisi Mehmed Ali
Pafla’n›n ‹stanbul’daki kethüdas› Necib Efendi,
bu kez de sultan taraf›ndan ça¤r›ld› ve Kahire’ye
bir mektup yazarak yeni nizâmî ordu için
Mehmed Ali Pafla’dan talimci zabit talep etmesi
istendi. Necib Efendi denileni yapt›, fakat yeni
ordunun kendi askerî gücünü dengelemek için
oluflturuldu¤unu düflünen Mehmed Ali Pafla
buna yanaflmad›.
Gelen olumsuz cevap üzerine sultan, Nizâm-›
Cedîd’in eski yüzbafl›lar›ndan Osman A¤a’ya
döndü ve onu Asâkir-i Mansûre binbafl›l›¤›na
tayin etti. Mehmed Ali Pafla’n›n ‹stanbul’a
talimci göndermeyece¤ine dair mektubuyla
alâkal› arz›n üzerine, “Osman A¤a’n›n aslen
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by the Sultan to write a letter to Cairo
demanding an instructor for the new regular
army from Mehmed Ali Pasha. This was done,
but Mehmed Ali Pasha, suspicious that the new
army was being organized to balance his own
military power, did not cooperate.
Upon receiving a negative answer, the sultan
turned to Osman Agha, one of the former
captains of the Nizâm-› Cedid and appointed as
the binbafl› (major) of Asâkir-i Mansûre.
Although he made remarks in the margin of the
account that reported Mehmed Ali Pasha’s
failure to send instructors, stating that “Osman
Agha was really a cavalry commander and for this
reason he might be rather slow if in command of the
very detailed infantry training”, Mahmud II
selected the latter because there was no else at
hand for this post. Following his performance of
the so called “tri-instruction drill”, carried out in
front of the sultan, Cukadar Emin Agha, who
had formerly registered for the Nizâm-› Cedîd
troops of Sultan Selim III, was also nominated
as instructor of the 200 Enderun (inner-court)
aghas. Also, a few instructors who had had
experience with the former Sekbân-› Cedîd and
Eflkinci attempts were included as majors to
instruct in the ongoing drills at the Seraskerlik
(Ministry of War). Vay Belim Ahmed Agha, the
former trumpeter of the Nizâm-› Cedîd cavalry of
the Enderun aghas, was appointed as instructor
of the cavalry, while a person by the name of
Ahmed Usta was appointed as the instructor of
the military band.
While these developments were unfolding in
Istanbul, the kaptan pasha Hüsrev, who had been
appointed to head up the fleet with a mission in
the Mediterranean, was returning to ‹zmir.
Receiving news about the abolishment of the
Janissary corps, he immediately found a former
sergeant of the French army, namely Monsieur
Gaillard, to instruct 100 select men of the navy
in the French-style drill. This exemplary force
was close to being a continuation of similar ones
that had been established when Hüsrev Pasha
had been governor in Egypt. Hüsrev Pasha, who
came to Istanbul in the autumn, continued to
carry out the drills with the soldiers. Finally, on
March 11 1827, when invited to the palace,
Hüsrev Pasha told the sultan that the drills
remaining from the Nizâm-› Cedîd were out of
date and explained that the drills that were
being practiced by his men were the most recent
style employed in France.
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II. Mahmud
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süvari binbafl›s› oldu¤u ve bu yüzden de oldukça
teferruatl› piyade talimini kumanda etmekte
yavafl kald›¤› notunu” düflen II. Mahmud, onu
bu makam için elinde baflka kimse olmamas›
sebebiyle tercih etmiflti. III. Selim zaman›nda
Nizâm-› Cedîd’e yaz›l›p sonradan Enderun’a
girmifl olan Çukadar Emin A¤a’n›n bizzat
II. Mahmud’un önünde icra ettirdi¤i “üçlü
talim” tatbikat› be¤enilmifl ve Emin A¤a
yaklafl›k 200 Enderun a¤as›n›n fenn-i harb
muallimli¤ine getirilmiflti. Ayr›ca Sekbân-› Cedîd
ve Eflkinci tecrübelerinden kalma birkaç talimci
de Seraskerlik’teki talimlere binbafl› olarak dahil
edildi. Enderun a¤alar›ndan eski Nizâm-› Cedîd
süvarileri boruzeni Vay Belim Ahmed A¤a
süvari muallimli¤ine, Ahmed Usta ad›nda bir
kifli ise tranpet meflkine memur edilmifllerdi.
‹stanbul’da bu geliflmeler yaflan›rken, oca¤›n
kald›r›ld›¤› s›rada Akdeniz’de bulunan
donanman›n bafl›ndaki Kaptan›derya Hüsrev
Pafla da ‹zmir’e dönmüfl ve burada buldu¤u
Fransa ordusunun eski çavufllar›ndan Gaillard
nezaretinde donanmadan seçti¤i 100 adama
Frans›z talimi yapt›rmaya bafllam›flt›. Bu numune
birlik, Hüsrev Pafla’n›n M›s›r’da vali iken
kurdurdu¤u benzerlerinin bir devam› gibiydi.
Güzle beraber ‹stanbul’a gelen Hüsrev Pafla
burada da askerlerine talim yapt›rmaya devam
etti. Nihayet 11 Mart 1827’de saraya davet
olundu¤unda sultana, Nizâm-› Cedîd’den kalma
talimin eski oldu¤unu ve kendi uygulatt›¤›n›n
Fransa’daki en yeni talim oldu¤unu anlatt›.
Gülhane Kasr›’na gelerek oraya ça¤r›lan
askerlerin talimlerini bizzat izleyen Sultan, üçlü
talim yerine, daha h›zl› hareketlere dayanan
Hüsrevî talimin uygulanmas›n› emretti. M›s›r
valili¤ini Mehmed Ali Pafla’ya b›rakmak zorunda
kalmas› ve kaptan›deryal›ktan da yine onun
tazyikiyle azledilmesi dolay›s›yla M›s›r valisinin
hasm› olan Hüsrev Pafla ise, önce Anadolu
valili¤ine, iki ay sonra da A¤a Hüseyin Pafla’n›n
yerine seraskerli¤e getirildi. Piyade talimi Hüsrev
Pafla’n›n telkinleriyle de¤iflirken, Vay Belim
Ahmed A¤a’n›n yerini ‹talyan subay
Calosso’nun almas› sonras›nda oluflan ilk düzenli
süvari birli¤i de Gülhane Bahçesi’nde yeni binifl
tarzlar›yla tan›flm›flt›. Calosso, süvari talimlerine
gerek binici gerekse komut veren olarak bizzat
kat›lan sultan›n da onay›yla süvarileri Macar
hafif süvarisinin (hussar) e¤erlerine ve binifl
tarz›na al›flt›rmaya çal›fl›yordu. Ancak Osmanl›
süvarilerinin bunlara al›flmalar› çok zor oldu.
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The sultan came to Gülhane Pavilion in the
garden of Topkapi Palace to watch the drills
carried out by the soldiers; consequently he
ordered the implementation of the so-called drill
of Hüsrev, based on more rapid actions, to take
the place of the tri-command drill. Forced to
leave the Egyptian governorship to Mehmed Ali
Pasha and being dismissed from the post of
kaptan pasha once again as a result of pressure
from the latter, Hüsrev Pasha now had great
enmity for Mehmed Ali. He was first appointed
to the Anatolian governorship, and then two
months later was brought to the post of
commander-in-chief in place of Hüseyin Pasha
A¤a. While the drilling of the infantry was
changed at the suggestion of Hüsrev Pasha, the
two dozen cavalry troops which had been
formed after the appointment of the Italian
officer Calasso in the place of Vay Belim
Ahmed Agha were introduced to a new style of
riding in Topkapi Palace’s Gülhane Gardens.
Calasso tried to introduce the Hungarian hussar
(light cavalry) saddles and riding styles to the
cavalry with the approval of the sultan, who
joined in the cavalry training, both as a rider
and giving commands. However, it was difficult
for the Ottoman cavalry to become accustomed
to this. For the Ottoman cavalry, which had
formerly ridden with their feet tucked under
their bodies, as if sitting on a divan in a half
cross-legged position, the new style and stirrups
meant that they had to stretch their feet down,
and they felt very uncomfortable and unsafe on
the horses. In the words of the British lieutenant
who followed the Ottoman-Russian War of
1828-29, George Keppel, “the Muslim cavalry,
which managed the horse in such a magnificent way
had gone and in his place had come an incompetent
cavalry soldier...” The British navy officer A.
Slade quotes from Calosso himself when noting
in his memoirs “that the sultan has made a
mistake by making a reform in Turkish cavalry
and replacing the irregular cavalry warrior horde
of the old system with a few battalions intructed
a l’Europeènne.”
Drill Sergeant Sultan
Before one week after the abolition of the
Janissaries had passed, the sultan watched
hundreds of soldiers begin the French-style
training in the palace gardens; he was inspecting
them on horseback, wearing a uniform consisting
of an Egyptian fez, guns and a cavalry sword
strapped to the waist. This was his first
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Önceden ayaklar›n› alt›na toplayarak at üzerinde
sanki divandaym›fl gibi yar› ba¤dafl halinde
oturan Osmanl› süvarileri için, yeni e¤er ve
üzengiyle ayaklar›n› afla¤› uzatarak at binmek
oldukça rahats›z ve güvensizdi. 1828-29
Osmanl›-Rusya Harbi’ni takip etmifl ‹ngiliz
binbafl› George Keppel’in ifadesiyle, “O at›n›
harikulâde flekilde idare eden Müslüman süvari
gitmifl yerine yeni tarz›n beceriksiz süvari
askerleri gelmiflti”. ‹ngiliz deniz subay› Adolphus
Slade de, Calosso’nun bizzat kendisinin
“Sultan›n Türk süvarisinde reform yaparak, yani
eski sistemin sa¤lad›¤› düzensiz atl› savaflç›
kitlelerini a l’Europeènne talim görmüfl birkaç
taburla de¤ifltirerek hata yapt›¤› görüflünde
oldu¤unu” aktarm›flt›r.
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appearance in which he was recorded as the
“head commander”. In later months he carried
out the drills, taking on the position of
commander major of 200 soldier units formed
from the Enderun aghas. The confidential
secretary Mustafa Nuri Pasha and the palace
chancellor fiakir Efendi had now become the
sultan’s aides de camp. It was recorded by
foreign observers that Mahmud II, trying to gain
experience in Calasso’s new cavalry drills, fell
off his horse a number of times, and was in
danger of breaking his neck.
S
Talim Çavuflu Sultan
Oca¤›n kapat›lmas›n›n üzerinden daha bir hafta
geçmeden saray›n bahçesinde alafranga talime
bafllayan yüzlerce neferi pencereden izleyen
sultan, üzerinde üniformams› k›yafeti, bafl›nda
M›s›r fesi, kufland›¤› tabancalar› ve süvari
k›l›c›yla at› üzerinde onlar› denetlemiflti. Bu
onun bir “baflkomutan” olarak kay›tlara geçmifl
ilk görüntüsüdür. ‹lerleyen aylarda ise Enderun
a¤alar›ndan oluflan 200 kiflilik birli¤in bizzat
binbafl›l›¤›na soyunarak onlara talim
yapt›racakt›. S›rkâtibi Mustafa Nuri Pafla ve
Mabeynci fiakir Efendi sultan›n erkân› (sonradan
yâver-i harb) olmufllard›. Calosso’nun yeni süvari
talimini de bizzat tecrübe etmeye çal›flan
II. Mahmud’un, defalarca attan düflerek boynunu
k›rma tehlikesine maruz kald›¤› yabanc›
gözlemcilerce kaydedilmifltir.
Osmanl›-Rusya Harbi s›ras›nda kald›¤› Rami
Çiftli¤i’nde ve K⤛thane’de yeni kurulan Hassa
süvari birliklerinin muallimli¤ine bizzat soyunan
Sultan Mahmud, Asâkir-i Mansûre taburlar›n›n
talimlerini izlemek üzere baz› perflembe günleri
Seraskerli¤e de gitmekteydi. Sultan ile ona
refakat eden devlet ricalinin ve ordu
komutanlar›n›n, talim için ‹stanbul’a gönderilen
redif birliklerinin ve ‹stanbul’daki Asâkir-i
Hassa süvarilerinin Haydarpafla Sahras›’ndaki ve
Rami Çiftli¤i’ndeki manevralar›n› seyretmeye
gitti¤ini de, Osmanl› resmî gazetesi Takvîm-i
Vekâyi’deki ilgili haberlerden biliyoruz. Sultan,
Ayestefanos (Yeflilköy) köyünün biraz uza¤›nda
bulunan denize naz›r köflkünün kara taraf›nda da
büyük bir talim meydan› infla ettirmifl ve
buradaki resmigeçit ve manevralarda zaman
zaman haz›r bulunmufltu.
ultan Mahmud took on the role of the
instructor of the newly-established Hassa
(imperial) cavalry at the Rami Çiftli¤i and
K⤛thane, where he resided during the
Ottoman-Russian War. He was also known to
visit the Ministry of War to watch the
instructions of the Asâkir-i Mansûre battalions
on Thursdays. We know from news in the
Takvim-i Vekayi, the official Ottoman gazette,
that the sultan, leading statesmen and army
commanders who accompanied him also
watched the reserve troops that had been sent
to Istanbul for training, as well as the Asakir-i
Hassa cavalry in Istanbul while they carried out
maneuvers on the Haydarpafla Field and at the
Rami Çifli¤i. The sultan had a large drill field
constructed on the land side of the seaside
mansion which was located a distance from the
village of Ayastefanos (Yeflilköy), and would
attend the parades and maneuvers that were
carried out here from time to time.
When one considers that the Ottoman sultans
had not been participating in campaigns and
activities of the corps for nearly two centuries,
we can better understand the significance of
Mahmud II’s participation as a “drill sergeant” in
the military instruction and drills. The Dutch
Prince Moritz von Nassau, who had first put
modern infantry training into practice in Europe,
the Swedish king Gustav Adolphus who created
the leading army on the continent, Friedrich I
(1713-1740), the “king drill sergeant”, who
owned a strong Prussian army and his son
Friedrich II, and Peter the Great, who reorganized
the Russian army were all the fore-runners of the
“uniformed monarch” or the “soldier-king”
model reified in the person of Mahmud II.
However, it is not possible to say that Mahmud
II, in contrast to those mentioned above, was a
strategist or a skillful commander-in-chief.
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Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediye’nin geçit resmi. II. Mahmud arka safta, siyah sakall›, at s›rt›nda önde / Official parade of the Asakir-i Mansure-i
Muhammideye. Mahmud II, at the rear, black beard, on horseback (François Dubois, MSA, env. no. 11 / 1482)
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Osmanl› sultanlar›n›n neredeyse iki as›rd›r seferlere
ve ocak faaliyetlerine ifltirak etmedi¤i
düflünüldü¤ünde, II. Mahmud’un “bir talim
çavuflu” düzeyinde talim ve terbiye prati¤ine
kat›lmas› manidard›r. Modern piyade talimini
Avrupa’da ilk kez yürürlü¤e sokan Hollanda Prensi
Moritz von Nassau, ordusunu k›tan›n baflta gelen
askerî gücü haline getiren ‹sveç Kral› Gustav
Adolphus, Prusya’y› güçlü bir ordu sahibi k›lan
“Talim Çavuflu Kral” I. Friedrich (1713-1740) ve
onun o¤lu II. Friedrich ile Rusya ordusunu
yeniden yap›land›ran Petro, II. Mahmud’un
flahs›nda gözlenen “üniformal› monark” ya da
“asker-kral” suretinin öncüleridir. Ancak Sultan
Mahmud’un, an›lan bu isimlerden farkl› olarak, bir
stratejist veya mahir bir baflkomutan oldu¤unu
söylemek mümkün de¤ildir.
Bafl›ba¤l› Neferler, Bafl›bozuk Savaflç›lar
Asâkir-i Mansûre Kanunnâmesi’ne göre, orduya
yaz›lan herkes 12 y›l hizmetle mükellef
tutulmufltu. Bekârlar›n evlenmeleri yüzbafl›
mülâz›m› olana kadar yasaklanm›flt›. Ancak evli
olanlar›n orduya girmesine bir mani yoktu.
Nizâm-› Cedîd tecrübesinde, neferlerin bir ayl›k
talimden sonra izinli say›larak memleketlerine
gitmelerine ve kendi iflleriyle u¤raflmalar›na izin
verilmiflken, bu kez buna kap› kapat›lm›flt›.
B
afllangݍta 15 kurufl olarak belirlenen nefer
ayl›¤›, 1827 y›lbafl›nda ç›kan bir kararla ‹stanbul
ile beraber Anadolu’da Konya, ‹zmir, Bursa,
Bolu ve Kütahya’da; Rumeli’de ise bütün
tertiplerde 20 kurufla ç›kar›ld›. Süvari
neferlerinde bu rakam yüzde elli art›yordu. Bu
maaflla bu ifle talip olanlar ço¤unlukla 15-25 yafl
aras› iflsiz delikanl›lard›. Devrin Avrupa ordular›
gibi sultan›n yeni ordusu da personelini,
toplumun sosyopolitik ve sosyoekonomik olarak
en alt zümresini oluflturan nisbeten fakir ya da
mülksüzlerden devflirecekti.
Asâkir-i Mansûre’ye yaz›lan bu delikanl›lar›n
ço¤u, Rumeli ve Anadolu’nun Türkçe konuflan
Müslüman nüfusundand›. Süvariler için ise ilk
adres göçer Türkmen afliretleriydi. Ancak
istenilenin çok alt›nda rakamlarda orduya sevk
edilebilen göçerler, f›rsat›n› bulduklar› ilk anda
firar ediyorlard›. Osmanl›-Rusya harplerinin
Balkan cephesindeki mühim serhat
flehirlerinden biri olan Silistre’de ise, piyade
tertibinin yan›s›ra kurulacak süvari tertibine
kabâil-i Tatar ve Türk ufla¤›n›n yan›s›ra Babada¤›,
Maçin ve Silistre kazalar›nda bulunan H›ristiyan
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S U L T A N
I I .
M A H M U D
Orderly Soldiers, Unruly Warriors
According to the Regulation of Asâkir-i Mansûre,
everyone who was registered in the new army
was liable to 12 years of service. Bachelors were
forbidden from marrying until they had reached
the rank of lieutenant captain. However, there
was no obstacle for those who were married.
In the former Nizâm-› Cedîd, the soldiers had
undergone a month of training and then were
given permission to go to their hometowns to
carry out their own businesses; now this door
had been closed.
At the beginning, the soldier’s salary was stated
as 15 kurufl; in a decision taken at the beginning
of 1827 the salary for troops in Istanbul, Konya,
‹zmir, Bursa, Bolu and Kütahya, and for all
troops in Rumelia, was raised to 20 kurufl. For
the cavalry soldiers, this amount was increased
by fifty percent. Most of those who wanted such
a job at such a salary were unemployed youths
between the ages of 15 and 25. Like European
armies of the era, the sultan’s new army and
personnel consisted of the lower socio-political
and socio-economic strata of society, the poor
and landless.
Most of these young men who were enrolled in
the Asâkir-i Mansûre were from the Turkishspeaking population of Rumelia and Anatolia.
The first address for the cavalry was the
nomadic Turkmen tribes. However, the nomads
who could be sent to the army were well below
the number desired and they would desert at the
first opportunity. In Silistre, one of the
important cities of the Balkan front dur›ng the
Ottoman-Russian War, it was decided that the
cavalry troops which were to be established
alongside the infantry troops would include not
only men of Tatar and Turkish tribal origin, but
also the Christian Zaporozhian Cossacks, who
were located in the provinces of Babada¤›,
Maçin, and Silistre; these were the first and only
non-Muslim component to be included in the
Asâkir-i Mansûre.
Particularly during campaigns, the price for
transporting soldiers was taken from regions that
were far from the front or from where it was
difficult to attain soldiers; this price often rose as
much as 250 kurufl a month and tribal warriors
from the Turkmens, Kurds, Albanians and Laz
would be employed. However, these would
quickly abandon the battlefield and when they
A
S U L T A N
I N
U N I F O R M
Potkal› Kazaklar›ndan da savaflç› al›nmas›na
karar verilmifl ve bu, Asâkir-i Mansûre içinde
gayrimüslim unsurlar› bar›nd›ran ilk ve tek birlik
olmufltu.
Bilhassa sefer zamanlar›nda, asker al›m›
yap›lmas› zor ya da cepheye uzak yerlerden
bunun yerine nakdî bedel al›n›yor ve bu parayla
ayl›klar› 250 kurufla kadar ç›kan Türkmen, Kürt,
Arnavut ve Lazistanl› kabile savaflç›lar› istihdam
ediliyordu. Fakat bunlar da, muharebe
meydan›ndan kolayca firar etmeleri ve paralar›n›
alamad›klar› zaman derhal ifli b›rakmalar›
yüzünden Osmanl›-Rusya ve Osmanl›-M›s›r
savafllar›nda komutanlarca s›k s›k flikâyet konusu
edileceklerdi.
Rumeli’de Bosna-Hersek ile Arnavut nüfusun
ço¤unlukta oldu¤u ‹flkodra, Yanya, Avlonya,
Delvine; Anadolu’da Sürmene-Gönye aras› sahil
fleridi; Do¤u ve Güneydo¤u’da Kürt ve Türkmen
afliretlerin yo¤un oldu¤u yerler ve yine Kürt ve
Yezidî afliretlerin yaflad›¤› Kuzey Irak da¤lar›,
zorunlu askerli¤e direncin fliddetli oldu¤u
yerlerdi. Yar› müstakil bir idareye sahip Davud
Pafla’n›n Ba¤dad’›ndaki Kölemen Oca¤›, 1831
y›l›nda gönderilen askerî kuvvet marifetiyle
kald›r›lm›fl ve eyalet merkeze ba¤lanm›flt›.
Kudüs ve Filistin’de ise, asker yazma teflebbüsleri
ahâlinin gösterdi¤i tepki sebebiyle sonraya
b›rak›lm›flt›. Arabistan Yar›madas›’ndan
II. Mahmud devrinde hiç asker al›nmad›.
Cezayir Day›s› da yeni düzene dâhil olmad›.
Tunus’tan ise sadece sembolik bir kat›l›m
sa¤land›. Asker ve vergi vermek istemeyen
Bosna, Arnavutluk, Güneydo¤u Anadolu ve
Irak’taki kabile ve afliretler üzerine, düzenli ordu
birlikleri ve bafl›bozuk savaflç›lardan oluflturulan
kuvvetlerle 1830’larda pek çok harekât
düzenlendi. Ancak bunlardan hükümeti
sevindirecek bir netice ç›kmad›.
Ordu için asker toplan›rken görevlilerin fliddete
baflvurdu¤u ve toplu firarlara varacak tepkilere
yol açt›klar› olmufltur. ‹stanbul’da asker
toplamak ad›na sokak ortas›nda kaba kuvvete
baflvuran görevlilerin sultan ve Sadaret
taraf›ndan uyar›ld›klar› da kay›tl›d›r. Sefer vakti
gönderilen emirlerle asker toplama faaliyetine
giriflen mahallî âyân ve nüfuz sahipleri de, zorla
ve h›zla askerlefltirdikleri kiflileri cepheye sevk
etmifl gözükmektedir. 1828-29 Osmanl›-Rusya
Harbi’nde baflta Rumeli olmak üzere Müslüman
ahaliye hitaben yay›nlanan “12 yafl›ndan 70
S U L T A N
M A H M U D
I I
were unable to take their salaries these troops
would immediately abandon their jobs, thus
making them a frequent subject of complaints
from the commanders of the Ottoman-Russian
and Ottoman-Egyptian wars.
There was violent resistance to the compulsory
military service in Rumelia, BosniaHerzegovinia and towns like Scutari, Ioannina,
Avlonya and Delvinë, where ethnic Albanians
formed the majority of the population; the same
was true the north-eastern coastal cities in
Anatolia between Sürmene and Gönye and the
eastern and south-eastern provinces which were
heavily populated with Kurdish and Turkmen
tribes, as well as in the northern Iraqi mountains,
where there were Kurdish and Yezidi tribes.
Davud Pasha’s Köleman Corps in Baghdad,
which had a semi-independent structure, was
abolished in 1831 by a military expedition and
the province was then directly connected to the
state center. In Jerusalem and Palestine,
conscription was postponed due to the
resistance of the local population. In the
Arabian Peninsula, the word conscription was
not even mentined during the reign of
Mahmud II. Similarly, the Algerian Dayi was
not included in the new arrangement. Only a
symbolic participation was sent from Tunisia.
In the 1830s many expeditions were launched
with regular troops and auxiliary forces of
irregular soldiers against the tribes in Bosnia,
Albania, Southeastern Anatolia and Iraq, who
did not want to provide soldiers or taxes.
However, such actions did not produce results
that pleased the government.
The officers responsible for gathering soldiers for
the army in some instances used force and this
led to mass desertions. It is recorded that officials
who used brute force in the middle of the street
to muster soldiers in Istanbul were reprimanded
by the sultan and grand vizier. It seems that the
local ayan and influential people, carrying out
the orders at the time of the campaigns to
muster soldiers for the central army often sent to
the front men who had been rapidly and forcefully
militarized. The orders that were addressed to
primarily the Muslim citizens of Rumelia in the
Ottoman and Russian War of 1828-29
read:“Those believers who are between 12 and 70
and who know how to fight and can hold a weapon
are called to Muslim war and jihad”, technically,
this meant nefîr-i amm or “forced volunteers”.
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P A D ‹ fi A H
yafl›na harb ü darb erbâb› olan ve eli silah tutan
kâffe-yi mü’min ve Müslimînin gazâ ve cihâda”
kat›lmas›, yani nefîr-i âmm olarak adland›r›lan
sefer vakti “zorunlu gönüllülük” ça¤r›lar›na da
savafl›n bafl›nda fazla bir karfl›l›k al›namam›fl,
toplan›p cepheye sevk edilen askerler ise “iki top
at›l›r at›lmaz” firara kalk›flm›flt›r. Cepheden
gelen yaz›lara göre, firar eden askerlerin pefline
süvariler tak›l›yor, süvariye söven Asâkir-i
Mansûre piyadeleri ise “Yine bizi gâvura esir
edecekler” serzenifliyle önce düflman süvarisine
direnmeye çal›fl›yorlarsa da delillerin kaçt›¤›n›
görünce onlar da firar kervan›na kat›l›yorlard›.
H
alil Rifat Pafla’n›n haz›rlad›¤› bir rapora göre,
kuruluflundan 1837 fiubat›na kadar Asâkir-i
Mansûre’ye yaz›lan asker say›s› 161.036 idi.
Ancak 1837 fiubat ay›nda eldeki mevcut
54.670’i geçmiyordu. Yeni askerî nizam›n
bafllang›c›ndan o tarihe kadar geçen süre içinde
kaybolan nefer toplam› 106.366 idi. Bunlar›n
45.496’s› salg›n hastal›¤a kurban gitmifl, 21.928’i
ise harp s›ras›nda kaybolmufltu. Muharebelerde
öldü¤ü tesbit edilenler ise 1269’du. Firarîlerin
say›s› 20.117 iken, esir düflenler sadece 1055
kadard›. Dikkat çekici di¤er iki rakam ise
emeklili¤e hak kazanmadan azledilenlerle
ordudan emekli olmay› baflarabilenlerdi. ‹lki
15.927 gibi oldukça yüksek bir rakamken, ikinci
rakam sadece 1834’ten ibaret... Bir yedek asker
havuzu olarak 1834 y›l›nda kurulan redif
birliklerinin toplam› ise 1838 Mart›na
gelindi¤inde 85.000’i bulmufltu. Ancak bunlar
sefer için haz›r kuvvet olma vasf›na Sultan
Mahmud’un saltanat› s›ras›nda pek kavuflamad›.
Sultan›n Köle Zabitleri
Sultan ve baflta Serasker Hüsrev Pafla olmak
üzere devlet ricali için yeni ordunun sahip
olmas› gereken bafll›ca vas›f, siyasi iktidara sad›k
ve muti, “depolitize” bir askerî kuvvet olmas›yd›.
Bu yüzden, ordunun komuta kademesini ya
bizzat kendileri ya da en yak›n
adamlar›/köleleriyle doldurmufllard›. Serasker
Hüsrev Pafla, Osmanl›-Rusya Harbi s›ras›nda
ordu seraskerli¤ine getirilen A¤a Hüseyin
Pafla’n›n kaimmakaml›¤›na kendi hazinedar›
Halil Pafla’y› tayin ettirmifl, bununla da
yetinmeyerek Sadrazam Selim Mehmed Pafla’y›
da bu savafl vesilesiyle payitahttan
uzaklaflt›rmaya çal›flm›flt›. Nitekim fiumla’ya
gidip ordunun komutas›n› alan sadrazam,
sergiledi¤i performans sonras› II. Mahmud’un
gözünden düflmüfltü.
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S U L T A N
I I .
M A H M U D
At the beginning of the war there was no great
response war; men who had been gathered and
sent to the front began to flee as soon as “two
cannons were fired”. According to reports that
came from the front, the cavalry pursued the
fleeing nefîr-i amm and the Asâkir-i Mansûre
infantry, which, although at first trying to resist
the enemy cavalry, complaining that the former
“would have us be captured by the infidels once
again”, also joined the desertion caravan when
they saw the irregular cavalry retreating.
According to a report prepared by Halil Rifat
Pasha, the number of soldiers enrolled from the
establishment of the Asâkir-i Mansûre until
February 1837 was 161,036. However, in
February 1837 the number on hand was no more
than 54,670. From the start of the new military
order until that date, the number of soldiers that
was lost was 106,366. Of these, 45,496 were
victims of contagious diseases; 21,928 were lost
during battle. The number that died during
battles was 1,269. While the number of deserters
was 20,117, the number taken prisoner was
1,055. Another interesting two numbers are
those who were dismissed before earning the
right to retire from the army and those who
managed to retire. The first was a rather high
number, 15,927, while the second consisted of
1,834… The Redif troops, established as a pool
of reserve soldiers in 1834, totaled 85,000 in
1838 March. However, these troops did not
achieve readiness for battle during the reign of
Sultan Mahmud.
The Sultan’s Slave Officers
For the sultan and the statesmen, including the
commander-in-chief Husrev Pasha, the primary
quality required for the new army was that it be
a loyal and biddable “depoliticized” military
force. For this reason, the commanding forces of
the army were either filled by these men
themselves or their close men/slaves. The
commander-in-chief, Hüsrev Pasha, appointed
his treasurer Halil Pasha as the secretary of
Agha Hüseyin Pasha when the latter was
brought to the post of commander-in-chief
during the Ottoman Russian War; not satisfied
with this, Hüsrev also tried to distance the
grand vizier, Selim Mehmed Pasha, from the
capital on the excuse of this war. In fact, the
grand vizier, who went to fiumla and took
command of the army, fell from favor with the
sultan after the performance he displayed here.
A
S U L T A N
I N
U N I F O R M
Sadrazam Selim Pafla’n›n azli sonras›nda yerine,
savafl s›ras›nda Varna Muhaf›zl›¤› görevini
üstlenmifl olan Kaptan›derya Darendeli ‹zzet
Pafla getirildi. ‹kisi aras›nda husumet vard› ve bir
iddiaya göre s›rf bu yüzden ‹zzet Pafla Selim
Pafla’y› iaflesiz, paras›z ve levaz›mats›z olarak
Varna’y› muhafaza halinde b›rakm›flt›. ‹zzet
Pafla’n›n üç ay süren sadareti sonras›ndaki halefi
ise Hüsrev Pafla’n›n Kafkas kökenli kölesi
Mehmed Reflid olacakt›. Onun sadrazam olarak
ordu komutas›n› yüklenmesiyle beraber ise, A¤a
Hüseyin Pafla Balkan geçitlerinin ve Rusçuk’un
muhafazas› gibi görevlerle komuta kademesinde
ikinci derece bir konuma düflürülecekti.
Mehmed Ali Pafla’n›n ordusuna karfl› giriflilen ilk
muharebede de bu manzara de¤iflmedi. Anadolu
Seraskeri tayin edilen A¤a Hüseyin Pafla’n›n
alt›ndaki bütün komuta kademelerine Hüsrev
Pafla kendi adamlar›n› yerlefltirince, ordu
birbirlerinden tamamen kopuk muhtelif
topluluklar görüntüsüne büründü. Mehmed Ali
Pafla’n›n, o¤lu ‹brahim Pafla idaresinde
S U L T A N
M A H M U D
I I
After the dismissal of Grand Vizier, the kaptan
pasha, Darendeli ‹zzet Pasha, who had taken on
the duty of Guard of Varna during the war, was
appointed in the former’s place. There was
hostility between the two; indeed, it was
claimed that it was for this reason that ‹zzet
Pasha sent Selim Pasha without provisions,
money or the necessary equipment as Guard of
Varna. After the stint of ‹zzet Pasha as grand
vizier, which lasted for three months, his
successor was to be Hüsrev Pasha’s Caucasian
slave, Mehmed Reflid. Along with taking on the
responsibility of commanding the army as grand
vizier, A¤a Hüseyin Pasha was to fall to a
secondary position in the commanding force as
the Guard of Ruse and the Balkan passes.
Ordû-y› Hümâyun
Habercisi, Asâkir-i
Mansûre-i
Muhammediye
ordusuna mensup er
(Sa¤da), ‹flkodral›,
Asâkir-i Mansûre-i
Muhammediye
ordusuna ‹flkodra’dan
al›nan gönüllü er
The Ordû-y›
Hümâyun Herald, a
soldier of the Asâkir-i
Mansûre-i
Muhammediye
(on the right) from
‹flkodra, a volunteer
soldier of the Asâkir-i
Mansûre-i
Muhammediye from
‹flkodra
(Fenerci)
The first battle that the army undertook against
Mehmed Ali Pasha did not change this situation.
When Hüsrev placed his own men in the
commanding positions under A¤a Hüseyin
Pasha, who had been appointed as Anatolian
chief-in-command, the army appeared as a
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P A D ‹ fi A H
gönderdi¤i M›s›r ordusunun Suriye’deki
karargâh›nda kumanda tek bir insan›n elinde
iken Anadolu’da menfaatleri ayr› ve birbirlerini
k›skanan birden çok kumandan vard›. Kald› ki,
‹ngiliz subay Adolphus Slade’in de iflaret etti¤i
üzere, zabitlerle neferlerin vas›flar› aras›nda pek
de bir fark yoktu. Cehaletteki eflitliklerine uygun
olarak, “bey” ile di¤er rütbeler aras›nda herhangi
bir derecelendirme yok gibiydi: “Miralay›n
gözünde hepsi ayn› seviyedeydi. Miralay da
kendi paflas›na (general) çubuk takdim etmekten
fevkalâde memnundu. Hepsi bahflifle aç›k, hepsi
falakaya maruzdu.” Slade’in ö¤rendi¤ine göre,
1836 senesinde iki miralay falakaya yat›r›lm›fl ve
ordudan azlolunmufllard›.
Hassa Topçusu
Imperial Cannoneer
(TSMK, Hazine, nr. 2367)
Osmanl› Ordusunun Avrupal› Talim Çavufllar›
Talimci olarak Avrupal› subaylar›n istihdam›
bafllang›çta “mahzurlu” bulunmufltu. Lâkin çok
geçmeden bu kararda esneklik gösterildi ve bir
H›ristiyan›n Müslüman neferlerin âmiri
olmas›na kamuoyunun gösterece¤i tepki de göze
al›narak, Avrupal› subay ve talim çavufllar›n›n
sözleflmeli istihdam›na baflland›. Asl›nda bu,
Osmanl› Devleti’nde daha önceki devirlerde de
baflvurulmufl bir yoldu. Ayr›ca, Sultan
Mahmud’a Osmanl› siyasetinde rakip gözüken
Mehmed Ali Pafla, Yanya hakimi Tepedelenli
Ali Pafla, Ba¤dad Valisi Süleyman Pafla ve yine
Ba¤dad’›n Memlûk valisi Davud Pafla da
‹stanbul’un dolay›m› olmaks›z›n kendi birlikleri
için sultandan önce Avrupa’dan hem silah hem
de talimci subaylar getirtmifllerdi.
Yeni orduda istihdam edilen ilk Avrupal› subay,
süvari birliklerine talimcilik yapan ‹talyan süvari
subay› Giovanni Timoteo Calosso idi. Napoleon
Bonaparte’›n Rusya seferine kat›lan Calosso,
1821 Piemonte Devrimi’nin Avusturya güçleri
taraf›ndan bast›r›lmas› sonras› yüzbafl›yken
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I I .
M A H M U D
number of groups that were completely
independent from one another. While the
Egyptian army that had been sent under the
command of ‹brahim Pasha, the son of Mehmed
Ali Pasha, was under the control of a single
person at the headquarters in Syria, in Anatolia
there were many commanders who had many
different agendas and were jealous of one another.
What remains, as indicated by Adolphus Slade,
was that there was no difference between the
qualities of the officers and soldiers. In keeping
with the equality in ignorance, there was no
degree of any kind between the “beys” or the
other ranks. “In the eyes of the colonel all were of
the same rank. And he was quite happy to present
the pipe to his pasha. All of them were willing to be
given baksheesh while none of them were exempted
from bastinado.”
According to what Slade had learned, two
colonels were subjected to the bastinado and
then dismissed from the army in 1836.
The European Drill Sergeants in the Ottoman
Army
At first, the employment of European officers as
drill sergeants was found to be objectionable.
However, before long this decision was relaxed,
and while taking into account the public
reaction of a Christian being in charge of
Muslims soldiers, the contracted employment of
European officers and drill sergeants began.
In fact, this was a method that had been applied
in earlier eras of the Ottoman State. Moreover,
Mehmed Ali Pasha, who was seen to be the
rival to Sultan Mahmud in Ottoman politics,
the sovereign of Ionnia, Tepedelenli Ali Pasha,
the governor of Baghdad, Süleyman Pasha and
the Mamluk governor of Baghdad, Davud Pasha,
had all brought both weapons and instructors
A
S U L T A N
I N
U N I F O R M
buradan ayr›lmak zorunda kalm›fl ve Fransa,
‹sviçre, ‹spanya, Belçika ve ‹ngiltere’de
bulunduktan sonra Temmuz 1826’da en son
isyanc› Yunanl›lar aras›nda kendine ifl aram›flt›.
Burada pek uzun süre kalmayarak Mora’dan
‹zmir’e geçen Calosso, ‹stanbul’daki Frans›z elçisi
Guilleminot’dan ald›¤› ça¤r› üzerine 1827 y›l›n›n
hemen bafl›nda Osmanl› payitaht›na geldi. Elçi
taraf›ndan Hüseyin A¤a’ya ve halefi Hüsrev
Pafla’ya ›srarla tavsiye edildiyse de baflta ifle
al›nmad›. Ancak sultan›n Vay Belim Ahmed
A¤a’n›n becerisinden umudu kesip baflka bir
süvari talimcisi istemesi üzerine Hüsrev Pafla
hareket geçti ve Calosso’yu takdim etti. Onunla
bizzat görüflen sultan memnun kald› ve bafllang›ç
olarak Enderunlu 280 iço¤lan›na binicilik
dersleri vermesini istedi. Bu say› k›sa zamanda
tam 24 bölü¤e ulaflacakt›.
Talim yapt›raca¤› neferlerin kendisine itaat
etmekte tereddüt göstermemesi için sultan›n
tavsiyesiyle “Rüstem A¤a” ismini alm›fl olsa da
Calosso’ya hiçbir zaman sevk ve idare görevi
verilmedi. Calosso’dan sonra Osmanl› hizmetine
giren hemen her Avrupal› subay, t›pk› onun gibi,
rütbe ve liyakatlerine uygun pozisyonlarda istihdam
edilmemekten ve neferler ile halk›n kendilerine
karfl› düflmanca tav›rlar›ndan flikayet edeceklerdi.
S U L T A N
M A H M U D
I I
from Europe for their troops without the
mediation of Istanbul.
The first European officer to be employed in the
new army was the Italian cavalry officer
Giovanni Timoteo Calosso, who trained the
cavalry troops. Calosso, who participated in
Napoleon Bonaparte’s Russian Campaign, was
forced to leave his home country after the
suppression of the revolution in Piedmont of
1821 by the Austrian forces; at this time he was
still a captain. After going to France,
Switzerland, Spain, Belgium and England, he
finally started to look for a job among the Greek
rebels, in July 1826. Calosso, who did not stay in
Greece for long, went from the Peloponnese to
‹zmir, in response to the summons he had
received from the French ambassador in
Istanbul, Guilleminot; at the beginning of 1827
he arrived in the Ottoman capital. Even though
he had been highly recommended to Hüseyin
Agha and his successor, Hüsrev Pasha, by the
ambassador, Calosso was not immediately
employed. However, when the sultan lost hope
in Vay Belim Ahmed Agha’s skills and
demanded another cavalry commander, Hüsrev
Pasha went into action and presented Calosso.
The sultan met with him personally and was
pleased; as a start requested that he give the
280 palace servants riding lessons. This number
quickly reached 24 divisions.
S
Yeni orduda piyade s›n›f›n›n ilk yabanc›
talimcisi ise, Napoleon’un ordusunda çavuflluk
yapm›fl M. Gaillard, nam-› di¤er “Hurflid A¤a”
olmufltu. Mehmed Ali Pafla’n›n ordusunda
bafltalimci, bir Frans›z generali olan Boyer iken,
Osmanl› hükümetinin ordusunu bir çavufla
emanet etmifl olmas› kayda de¤erdi.
‹lerleyen y›llarda ‹stanbul, siyasî sebeplerle
ülkelerini terk eden ‹talyan subaylar›n ak›n›na
u¤rad›. M›s›r ile karfl›laflt›r›ld›¤›nda Osmanl›
Devleti’nden daha düflük ücretler almalar›na ve
talim çavufllu¤undan öteye geçememelerine
ra¤men Akdeniz’in en do¤usunda bulduklar› bu
s›¤›naktan memnundular. 1829 May›s›nda
‹stanbul’a gelen Frans›z General Kont Hulôt ve
‹ngiliz D›fliflleri Bakan› Palmerstone’un 1834
y›l›nda gönderdi¤i General Chrzanowski gibi
baz› yüksek rütbeli subaylar ise, teklif edilen
“talimcilik”i yeterli bulmay›p bir süre sonra
Osmanl› topraklar›n› terk etti.
‹lerleyen y›llarda bu macerapest subaylar›n
yerini, Osmanl› ordusundaki yeniden
yap›lanmay› yak›ndan takip etmek isteyen
Avrupal› büyük devletlerce gönderilen resmî
o that the soldiers who were to be trained would
not hesitate to obey him, on the sultan’s recommendation Calosso took the name “Rüstem
Agha”; however, Calosso was never given any
dispatch or administration duties. After Calosso,
almost every European officer that entered
Ottoman services would also
complain that
they were not employed in
suitable positions to their rank and capability, and that the
soldiers and people displayed
animosity
towards them.
The first foreign drill sergeant for the infantry
class of the new army was M. Gaillard, who had
been a sergeant in Napoleon’s army; he became
Hurflid Agha. While the head instructor in
Mehmed Ali Pasha’s army was the French general,
Boyer, it is worth recording that the Ottoman
government entrusted the army to a sergeant.
In future years there was an influx of Italian
officers, due to political reasons in their own
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Asâkir-i Mansûre-i
Muhammediye’nin
talimi
Military drills for
the Asâkir-i
Mansûre-i
Muhammediye
(Muhammed Necati,
TSM, Hazine, 2045)
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Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I
P A D ‹ fi A H
S U L T A N
I I .
M A H M U D
country. They were pleased by this further point
east on the Mediterranean, even when they
could not rise beyond the rank of drill sergeant
and received lower pay from the Ottoman State
in comparison to Egypt. However some high
ranking officers, like Count Hulot, who arrived
in Istanbul in May 1829, and General
Chrzanowski, who was sent in 1834 by the
British minister of foreign affairs, Palmerstone,
were not satisfied with the rank of “drill
sergeant” and soon left Ottoman soil.
In future years the place of these adventurous
officers was taken by official military missionaries
who were sent by the great European states in a
desire to keep track of the restructuring that was
taking place in the Ottoman army. From
Prussia, Britain, France, and Austria infantry,
cavalry, cannoneers, fortification officers and
engineers (sometimes their salaries were paid by
these states) came into Ottoman service. Many
of these carried out drills; some gave technical
advice on reforms to forts and fortifications,
cannons or the production of weapons. After
the first Ottoman-Egyptian Battle and the
defeat there, the sultan approached Russia; the
Russian cavalry and infantry, brought in 1834,
joined the foreign drill sergeants. However,
when the Ottoman soldiers reacted more
negatively to the Russian instructors than the
other foreigners, this attempt turned out to be
not very productive.
In the name of establishing diplomatic closeness
with the European states, the Ottoman
government demanded military advisors, one
after another; sometimes they were at a loss at
how to employ the officers from different
countries, who were sometimes sent at the same
time. Taking into account the reactions that the
European states might display to one another,
military missions were sometimes held back
from being sent, sometimes protests were
registered about the sending of officers from
other states. At first, some leading statesmen,
lead by Hüsrev Pasha, did not want to share the
power inside the new army, not even with
foreign officers, making an excuse of their
Christianity and obstructing these European
officers from taking greater duties.
Asâkir-i Mansûre-i
Muhammediye binbafl›s›
Officers, Engineers, Physicians
In the beginning both the commander-in-chief,
Hüsrev Pasha, who had placed slaves among the
A major of the Asâkir-i
Mansûre-i
Muhammediye
(Mahmud fievket Pafla)
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S U L T A N
I N
U N I F O R M
askerî misyonlar ald›. Prusya’dan, ‹ngiltere’den,
Fransa’dan, Avusturya’dan gelen ve bazen
maafllar› da bu devletlerce ödenen piyade,
süvari, topçu, istihkâm subay ve mühendisleri,
Osmanl› hizmetine al›nd›. Bunlar›n ço¤u
talimcilikle u¤raflt›, az bir k›sm› ise kale ve
istihkâm, top ve silah imalât›n›n reformunda
teknik dan›flmanl›k yapt›. ‹lk Osmanl›-M›s›r
Savafl› sonras›nda al›nan ma¤lubiyet üzerine
sultan Rusya ile yak›nlaflma yoluna gidince,
1834’te getirtilen Rus süvari ve piyadeleri de
yabanc› talimciler aras›na kat›lacakt›. Ancak
Osmanl› neferleri Moskovlu bir muallime di¤er
ecnebilere gösterdi¤inden de fliddetli tepki
gösterince bunlardan pek verim al›namad›.
Diplomatik yak›nl›k kurmak ad›na Avrupa
devletlerinden birbiri pefli s›ra askerî
dan›flmanlar isteyen Osmanl› hükümeti, bazen
ayn› anda gönderilen farkl› ülke subaylar›n› nas›l
istihdam edece¤ini bilemedi. Avrupal› devletler
ise birbirlerinin gösterece¤i tepkileri hesaba
katarak bazen askerî misyon göndermekten geri
durdu, bazen de kendi yerine baflka bir devletin
subaylar›n› göndermesini engellemek için
protestolarda bulundu. Baflta Hüsrev Pafla olmak
üzere yeni ordu içindeki iktidarlar›n› yabanc›
subaylar da dâhil kimseyle paylaflmak istemeyen
baz› devlet ricali, H›ristiyanl›klar›n› bahane
ederek bu Avrupal› subaylar›n daha üst görevler
almas›na mani olmufllard›.
S U L T A N
M A H M U D
I I
ranks of middle commanders, and Sultan
Mahmud, who, ignoring this, had appointed
officers from the Enderun aghas at the palace,
had no intention to establish a military school
to train officers. After the first Egyptian defeat,
on the recommendation of Nam›k Pasha, who
had gone to London and Paris to find diplomatic
and military support, such an undertaking was
attempted. The first military school class was
given a place in the organization of the Imperial
Guards (Hassa), making it appear to be a
battalion connected to Nam›k Pasha’s Imperial
Guards division, due to fear of the
commander-in-chief’s intervention.
W
Mektepli Zabit, Mühendis, Hekim
Ordu komuta kademelerine kölelerini yerlefltiren
Serasker Hüsrev Pafla ve buna göz yumup kendisi
de saraydaki Enderun a¤alar›ndan zabit tayin
eden Sultan Mahmud’un, zabit yetifltirecek bir
harp mektebi kurma niyetleri bafllarda yok
gibiydi. ‹lk M›s›r ma¤lubiyetinden sonra
diplomatik ve askerî destek bulmak için Londra
ve Paris’e giden Nam›k Pafla’n›n tavsiyesiyle
1834 yaz›nda ilk kez böyle bir teflebbüste
bulunuldu. Serasker’in aleyhte müdahelesinden
çekinildi¤i için, ilk harp mektebi s›n›f›na, Hassa
Ordusu teflkilat›nda ancak sanki Nam›k Pafla’n›n
hassa f›rkas›na ba¤l› bir taburmufl gibi
gösterilmek suretiyle yer verilebilmiflti.
Osmanl›-Rusya Harbi’nin patlak verdi¤i 1828
y›l›nda ‹stanbul’da bulunmufl ‹ngiliz subay
Charles MacFarlane’e göre, Osmanl› komuta
kademesinde yeterince tahsilli ikinci mülaz›m ve
üstü subay bulunmad›¤› için, bütün ifl az say›daki
üst subaya kalmaktayd›. Neferlerin binbafl› ya da
miralaylara gösterdi¤i sayg›, bilgi ya da
ith the outbreak of the Ottoman-Russian War,
according to the British officer Charles
MacFarlane, who was in Istanbul in 1828, as
there was no lieutenant or superior officers in
the Ottoman commanding ranks with enough
education, all of these tasks were given to the
small number of superior officers. The respect
shown by the soldiers to the majors and colonels
was more for their clothing and medals than
their knowledge or skills. Most of the officers
did not know how to read and write; they did
not have much knowledge about military
science other than routine matters.
The Mekteb-i Harbiyye, the Ottoman Military
School, which was established to train
bureaucrat-officers for the army, of course did not
change this situation at once. Officer cadets from
Istanbul, made up from the Anatolian and
Rumelian Muslim population, at first did not
receive very technical education in the school
that had been established, which was referred to
as the Ottoman Ecole Militaire on paper. The
Maçka Barracks were allocated to the school,
which in the first years had a teaching staff made
up from the ulama for the most part; here the
repairs to the main buildings and the
construction of the auxiliary buildings were finished
in the autumn of 1835. In the copy of the
Takvim-i Vekayi dated 12 June, 1835, it is mentioned that some rooms within the Rami
Barracks were transformed for the lessons of the
Mekteb-i Harbiyye. In addition to the four towers
at the corners of the barracks, the sultan’s
personal summer house and apartments and the
two-floored rooms on both sides of the mosque
were allocated to the officers. The sultan gave the
instructions that the rooms on both sides of the
matbah (kitchen) also be allocated to the Mekteb-i
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P A D ‹ fi A H
becerilerinden çok, üzerlerindeki mintana ve
niflanlar›nayd›. Zabitlerin ço¤u okuma yazma
bilmiyor, askerî nazariyelere dair rutin ifllerden
fazlas›n› ö¤renmiyorlard›.
Orduya bürokrat-zabit yetifltirmek üzere
kurulmufl Mekteb-i Harbiyye elbette bu tabloyu
bir anda de¤ifltirmedi. ‹stanbul, Anadolu ve
Rumeli’nin Müslüman ahalisinden zabit
adaylar›, k⤛t üstünde Osmanl› École Militaire’i
olmak iddias›yla kurulan mektepte bafllang›çta
pek de teknik bir e¤itim görmemekteydi. ‹lk
y›llar›nda ulema a¤›rl›kl› bir hoca kadrosu olan
mektep için Maçka K›fllas› tahsis edilmifl, burada
giriflilen tamirat ve ilâve inflaatlar›n bitifli 1835
güzünü bulmufltu. Takvîm-i Vekâyi’in 12 Haziran
1835 tarihli nüshas›nda ise Rami K›fllas› içinde
baz› odalar›n Mekteb-i Harbiye dersleri için
uygun hale getirildi¤inden bahsolunmufltur.
Buna göre, k›fllan›n dört köflesindeki kulelerinin
yan›s›ra, padiflaha mahsus kas›r ile hususî daire
ve nihayet caminin her iki taraf›ndaki ikifler
katl› odalar da zabitlere tahsis edilmiflti.
Mutfa¤›n (matbah) iki taraf›nda da Mekteb-i
Harbiye odalar› tesis edilmesi yönünde bizzat
talimat veren, s›n›f›n döfleme tahtalar›na meyil
verilerek hocalar›n oturduklar› yerden bütün
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S U L T A N
I I .
M A H M U D
Harbiyye; he requested that when decorating the
classes, the floors be angled so that the teachers
could see all the students from where they sat and
everyone could hear their voices. When the
sultan saw that only two rooms had been
designed in this way, he did not hesitate to
express his anger. Teaching in the Mekteb-i
Harbiyye began at the end of 1836; however, as
an institution it can be said that it took on a
serious identity only at the end of 1837.
Richard Burgess, who was in the Ottoman
territory in 1834, mentions that schools had
been opened in the barracks of Istanbul and that
here approximately 1,500 young officers, under
the age of 20, were receiving lessons every day.
Three months after opening, David Porter, who
toured both schools, stated that after carrying
out weapon drills the young soldiers were given
lessons in these classrooms and many were
literate and numerate. In fact, preparations for a
topography class had begun, and the students
had drawn up plans for a road under the
guidance of German instructors.
From 1826 on, the education of the engineers
which the army was in need of was carried out
A
S U L T A N
I N
U N I F O R M
S U L T A N
M A H M U D
I I
talebeleri görebilmesinin ve seslerini herkese
duyurabilmesinin sa¤lanmas›n› isteyen sultan
sadece iki odan›n buna uygun yap›ld›¤›n›
görünce tepki vermekten geri durmam›flt›.
Mekteb-i Harbiye’de ö¤retime 1836 y›l›
sonlar›nda baflland›¤›, ama kurumun ancak
1837 sonlar›nda ciddi bir hüviyet kazand›¤›
söylenebilir.
in two institutions with nearly half a century of
tradition: the Mühendishane-i Berrî and the
Mühendishane-i Bahrî…As the number of students
for the Mühendishane, located in Hasköy, was
low, it was not possible that two engineers be
allocated to every brigade, despite this being
required in the Regulation of the Asâkir-i
Mansûre.
1834 y›l›nda Osmanl› topraklar›nda bulunmufl
olan Richard Burgess, sultan›n ‹stanbul’daki
k›fllalar›n tamam›nda mektepler açt›rd›¤›ndan ve
yafllar› yirminin alt›nda yaklafl›k 1500 genç
zabitin buralarda her gün ders gördü¤ünden
bahsetmifltir. Aç›ld›ktan üç ay sonra her iki
mektebi de gezdi¤ini belirten David Porter, genç
askerlerin k›fllalardaki silahl› talimlerinden sonra
bu s›n›flarda ders ald›klar›na ve ço¤unun okuryazar ve say› sayar hale geldiklerine flahit
olmufltu. Hatta bir topografya s›n›f›n›n da
haz›rl›klar›na bafllanm›fl, talebeler Alman
hocalar›n nezaretinde bir yolun planlar›n›
ç›karm›fllard›.
The duties of the engineers in the new army in
times of peace was to first measure the drill field
and calculate how many soldiers could be placed
there; from here they were to establish what
form the battalions would take in drill, and how
many different types of tasks they could carry
out. They had more duties during times of war.
After the tents had been established ‘based on
the principles of the science of engineering’, they
built the earthworks and trenches, making the
necessary fortifications around the troops and
surrounding them with trenches, determining
the location of the night watch-houses and
setting out the boundaries, establishing bridges
over the rivers that the army would have to
cross on its way, determining the region where
the battle was to take place with the help of
hendese (geometry), making maps, and many
Ordunun ihtiyac› olan mühendis kadrosunun
e¤itimi için, 1826 tarihi itibariyle yaklafl›k yar›m
as›rl›k bir gelene¤e sahip iki kurum mevcuttu:
Asâkir-i Mansûre-i
Muhammediye piyade ve
zabitleri (sa¤dan sola)
1- Topçu neferi
2- Humbarac› neferi
3- Yüzbafl›
4- Kola¤as›
5- Piyade neferi
6- Bahriye neferi
7- Piyade neferi
8- Piyade zabiti
9- Harbiye Mektebi
ö¤rencisi
10- Bahriye zabiti
The infantry and officers
(from right to left) of the
Asâkir-i Mansûre-i
Muhammediye
1- Cannoneer private
2- a Bombardier private
3- a captain
4- a lieutenant captain
5- an infantry private
6- a naval private
7- an infantry private
8- an infantry officer
9- a student of the
Military School
10- a naval officer
(Mahmut fievket Pafla)
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P A D ‹ fi A H
S U L T A N
I I .
M A H M U D
Yeni Ordunun Alâmet-i Farikalar›:
Fes, Üniforma, Bando
Yrd. Doç. Dr.
Gültekin Y›ld›z
III. Selim’in Nizâm-› Cedîd’i gibi, II. Mahmud’un Asâkir-i Mansûre’sinde de neferlere mavi bere,
k›rm›z› pantolon ve k›rm›z› ceketten oluflan Frans›z tarz› bir üniforma giydirilmesi kararlaflt›r›lm›flt›.
Ancak bu kez, sadece askerler de¤il bizzat padiflah›n kendisi de kamunun önüne benzeri bir
k›yafetle ç›kacakt›.
Oysa en büyük iç siyasî rakibi olan Mehmed Ali Pafla, kurdu¤u orduda nefer ve subaylara Avrupa
tarz› üniforma giydirmiflse de kendisi geleneksel k›yafetini terk etmemiflti. Sultan Mahmud ise
üzerindeki kaftan› ve bafl›ndaki sar›¤› atarak kadîm Osmanl› padiflah› suretini geriye dönüflsüz
olarak ortadan kald›rmakta tereddüt etmedi. Askerî talim ve manevralara da k›rm›z› fleritli süvari
üniformas›, lacivert paltosu ve siyah çizmeleriyle ç›kt›. Böylece belki de, rakibi ile girdi¤i “imaj
savafl›”nda Avrupa kamuoyu nezdinde öne geçmek istiyordu.
O tarihlerde ‹stanbul’a gelen ve sultan› görme imkân› yakalayan yabanc›lardan bir k›sm› bu yeni
k›yafeti fazla basit bulurken önceki Osmanl› padiflah k›yafetine göre daha erkeksi bulanlar da vard›.
M›s›r yoluyla Tunus’tan ithal edilen fes ise Osmanl›lar kadar yabanc›lar›n da pek hofluna
gitmemiflti. Çünkü fes ne kavuk ve sar›k ne de flapka idi.
Yeni ordu nefer ve zabitlerinin, Asâkir-i Mansûre Kanunnâmesi’nde bafll›k olarak yer alan
“flubara” yerine fes giymeleri yönündeki de¤ifliklik, girdikleri ilk devletleraras› savafl olan 1828-29
Osmanl›-Rusya Harbi arefesinde gerçekleflmiflti. fiubaralar günefle ve ya¤mura dayanamay›p k›sa
sürede y›prand›¤›ndan bunun yerine yeni bir bafll›k bulunmas› gündeme gelince, Seraskerlik birkaç
numune fes yapt›rarak askerlere giydirtmiflti.
Ordu idarecilerine en münasip gözükeni sâde fes/dal fes olmufl, sultan da bu tercihi memnuniyetle
karfl›lam›flt›. Bir “din ve devlet meselesi” haline getirilen yeni askerî bafll›k, fleyhülislâm kona¤›nda
eski fleyhülislâm, serasker, Asâkir-i Mansûre’nin ilk seraskeri A¤a Hüseyin Pafla ve kapudan pafla
ile oca¤›n kald›r›l›fl› s›ras›nda öne ç›km›fl dersiam Ah›shal› Ahmed Efendi ve Akflehirli Hac› Ömer
Efendi’nin de aralar›nda bulundu¤u hocalar›n huzurunda resmen görücüye ç›km›flt›.
Müzakere sonucunda halk aras›nda dedikodulara sebep olmamas› için fes püsküllerinin biraz
k›salt›lmas› yönündeki teklif genel kabul gördü. Hemen orac›kta fleyhülislam taraf›ndan püskülü
“yar›m parmak” kesilen fes Osmanl› askerinin yeni bafll›¤› olmufltu.
Askerlerin bu yeni bafll›¤a al›flmas› baya¤› zor oldu. Günefl ve ya¤murdan koruyamamas› ve süvari
k›l›c›na karfl› siper olmamas› festen flikâyet nedenleriydi. Sultan feste diretmifl ve neferlere günefle
karfl› bafll›klar›n› kenarl›kla takmalar›n› önermiflse de neferler uleman›n da deste¤iyle bu teklifi
reddettiler; böylesi bir ç›k›nt›yla namazda al›nlar› secdeye varam›yordu.
Asâkir-i Mansûre-i
Muhammediye’nin
musiki neferi
II. Mahmud da bu defa namaz k›larken bafll›klar›n›n önünü arkaya çevirmelerini teklif etti.
Yeni üniformalar›yla Avrupa savafl sahnesine ilk kez Osmanl›-Rusya Savafl›’nda ç›kan düzenli
Osmanl› ordusunun fesi kadar, pantolon ve ceketi de Bat›l› gözlemcilerin dikkatini çekmiflti:
süvarilerin dar turuncu fleritli Rus tipi darca mavi ceketleri ve bald›rlar›nda darlaflan mavi
A member of the
Asâkir-i Mansûre-i
Muhammadiye band
(Mahmut fievket Pafla)
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pantolonlar›, piyadelerin savaflta kaçmalar›n› zorlaflt›racak kadar bol ve büyük flalvar›ms›
pantolonlar›; hassa askerlerinin k›fl›n mavi yaz›n beyaz renkte ve dizden sonra daralan pantolonlar›,
yine hassa süvarilerinin yazl›k olarak verilmesine ra¤men kal›n ve kaba beyaz pamukludan mamul
üniformalar›.
Bafll›k ve üniforma gibi, piyadelerin ayaklar›na ne giyece¤i de yeni ordunun ilk y›l›nda problem
olmufltu. Ayaklar›na süvariler gibi çizme geçirtilen piyadeler ‹stanbul’dan E¤riboz’a giderken
Tekirda¤’da çamur deryas›na tak›lm›fllar ve yürüyemez hale gelince onu ç›kar›p ayaklar›na eskisi gibi
çar›k giymifllerdi. Daha önce Rumeli Ordusu’na gönderilmifl neferler de benzeri s›k›nt›lar›
yaflam›fllard›. Bunun üzerine 1827 A¤ustosunda Seraskerlik’te yap›lan toplant›da piyadelere
süvariler gibi çizme de¤il, üç ayda bir “galavra ta‘bîr olunur ayak yemenisi” verilmesi kararlaflt›r›ld›.
Bunlar›n imali için bir devlet tabakhhanesi kurulacakt›.
Ancak yeni deri ayakkab›lar›na al›flmakta zorlanan pek çok zabit ve nefer, bunlar›
çar›klaflt›rmay›/terliklefltirmeyi, yani arkas›n› topuklar›n›n alt›na al›p giymeyi tercih etti.
Üstelik ço¤unun ayakkab›s›, öyle idarenin istedi¤i gibi siyah boyal› ve cilal› da de¤il, aksine çamurlu
ve sanki hiç f›rça yüzü görmemifl gibiydi. ‹stanbul’daki Amerikal› misyoner Walsh’un aktard›¤›na
göre, neferler di¤er Avrupa teçhizat› gibi f›rçalar› da alm›fllar, ancak bunun domuz k›l›ndan
yap›ld›¤›n› ö¤renince ona dokunmamay› tercih etmifllerdi. T›pk› 1829 y›l›nda, al›fl›ld›k üstü genifl,
bald›rlar› dar, flalvar›ms› potur yerine neferlere giydirilmek istenen dar kesimli pantolonlar gibi.
Asâkir-i Mansûre ile birlikte Osmanl› zabitleri, üniformalar›n sol gö¤sü üstüne rütbelerinin
anlafl›lmas› için verilen niflanlar› takmaya bafllad›. Seraskerlik’ten üst rütbelilere elmastan, alt
rütbelilere ise alt›n ve gümüflten ‘ay y›ld›zl› niflanlar’ verilmekteydi.
Ayr›ca süvari zabit ve neferlerine verilecek üst bafl aras›nda ‘ay ve y›ld›z flemse’ de bulunmaktayd›.
Taburlardaki askerlere verilen eflya aras›nda ise ay y›ld›zl› boyun kay›fl› vard›. Ayr›ca her alay›n
yeflil sanca¤›nda da s›rma ifllemeli ay-y›ld›z bulunuyordu.
T›pk› asker k›yafeti gibi orduda ve devlet merasimlerinde çal›nan müzik de bu süreçte
alafrangalaflt›r›lanlardand›. Asâkir-i Mansûre’nin tabur ve alaylar›nda muz›ka tak›mlar› kurularak,
bunlar›n çalaca¤› marfllarla talimlerde ve ordu karargâhlar›nda askerlerin teflvik edilmesi
öngörülmüfltü. Bu maksatla Avrupa’dan müzik aletleri sat›n al›nd›.
‹stanbul’daki Sardunya temsilcisi Marki Groppalo arac›l›¤›yla getirtilen Piemonteli Profesör
Donizetti’nin pek çok enstrümanla 17 Eylül 1828’de ‹stanbul’a gelifli bu sahada bir dönüm noktas›
oldu. Enderun ve Darüssaade a¤alar›ndan kurulmufl saray bandosunun, yani Muz›ka-y›
Hümâyun’un yabanc› subay Manguel’den sonraki flefi olan Donizetti, 1831’de Üsküdar’da aç›lan
Muz›ka Mektebi’nin idaresini üstlendi.
II. Mahmud ad›na Mahmudiye marfl›n› besteledi. Böylece art›k kamuya aç›k Osmanl›
merasimlerinde “Tanr› Kral› Korusun” (God Save the King) ya da “Yafla IV. Henri”
(Vive Henri IV) gibi marfllar›n çal›nmas›na son verilebilecekti.
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P A D ‹ fi A H
I I .
M A H M U D
Mühendishâne-i Berrî ve Mühendishâne-i Bahrî...
Hasköy’de yer alan Mühendishane’nin talebesi
az oldu¤undan, Asâkir-i Mansûre
Kanunnâmesi’nde yaz›ld›¤› üzere, aç›lan her
tertibe iki mühendis verilmesi ilk baflta mümkün
olmam›flt›.
other matters. Taking into account the location
of the enemy, they would calculate the
reformation of the soldiers in battle, stating the
situation before the siege of forts and they would
act as advance scouts to investigate the bivouac
route that the army would cross.
Yeni orduda mühendislerin bar›fl zaman›ndaki
görevleri, talim yap›lacak alanlara önceden gidip
geniflli¤ini ve ne kadar asker alaca¤›n›
hesaplamak ve burada talimde ne flekilde tabur
kurulaca¤›n›, kaç türlü “sanâyi‘ icrâs› kâbil
olaca¤›n›” belirlemekti. Sefer zaman› ise
vazifeleri daha çoktu: Çad›rlar› “hutût-›
hendesiye üzere” kurdurmaktan metris ve
palanka infla etmeye, taburun etraf›n› gerekli
tabya ve hendeklerle çevirmekten geceleri
karakol yerlerini belirleyip s›n›rlamaya, yolda
ordunun karfl›s›na ç›kan nehirler üzerine köprü
kurmaktan muharebe olunacak mahalli hendese
yard›m›yla belirleyip haritas›n› ç›karmaya kadar
pek çok hususta mühendisler devreye girecekti.
Düflman›n yerini dikkate alarak savaflta
askerlerin flekil de¤ifltirifllerini hesaplamak, kale
kuflatmalar› öncesi görüfl bildirmek ve öncü
olarak gidip ordu nüzûlgâh›n› incelemek de
mühendislerin uhdesindeydi.
Another institution that was opened in the
hope of training technical men for the army was
the T›bhâne-i Âmire, the Medical School. As
with the Russian Army, the medical men were
mostly German or French; almost all of the
physicians, surgeons and pharmacists who served
in the battalions of the Ottoman army were
non-Muslim Ottoman citizens who had been
trained in Europe or foreign physicians who had
come from Europe. However, the new army,
which was to be formed of Muslim soldiers and
officers, wanted physicians and surgeons who
were Muslim. It was intended that these officers
would be trained in such a way that they would
know both the old medicine and the “new
medicine”, as well as the appropriate foreign
languages. The T›bhane, established for this
purpose, first gave birth to the Cerrahhâne-i
Askerî, the Surgery School, and was then
divided into two; later it was renamed the
Mekteb-i T›bb›yye-i fiâhâne under the directorship
of the Austrian Karl Ambroso Bernard.
O
rdu için teknik adam yetifltirmesi ümidiyle
aç›lan bir di¤er kurum da T›bhâne-i Âmire
olmufltu. Rakip Rusya ordusunda s›hhiyecilerin
genellikle Alman ve Frans›zlardan oluflmas› gibi,
Osmanl› ordusunda da k›talarda görev yapan
tabip, cerrah ve eczac›lar›n tamam›na yak›n›
Avrupa’da tahsil görmüfl gayrimüslim Osmanl›
tebaas› ve Avrupa’dan gelme yabanc›
hekimlerdi. Ancak neferleri ve zabitleri
Müslümanlardan oluflmas› planlanan yeni
orduda, tabip ve cerrahlar›n da Müslüman
olmas› isteniyordu. Bunlar›n, kadîm Osmanl›
t›bb› ile “yeni t›bb”› ve ona uygun yabanc›
dilleri de bilecek flekilde yetifltirilmesi
hedeflenmekteydi. Bu maksatla kurulan
T›bhane, önce içinden Cerrahhâne-i Askerî’yi
ç›kararak ikiye bölündü, sonra Avusturyal› Karl
Ambroso Bernard’›n müdürlü¤ünde Mekteb-i
T›bbiye-i fiâhâne ad›n› ald›.
Mekteb-i Harbiye, mühendishaneler ve
T›bhane’nin kütüphanelerinden araç gereçlerine
kadar pek çok husustaki eksiklikleri, kaynak
bulundukça Avrupa’dan ithal edilerek
giderilmeye çal›fl›ld›. Ayr›ca, Mehmed Ali
Pafla’n›n 1809 y›l›ndan itibaren yapt›¤› gibi,
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Many of the necessities, down to the requirements
of the Mekteb-i Harbiye, Mühendishane and
T›bhane libraries, were imported from Europe,
at least to the extent that was possible due to
the financial situation of state. Moreover, from
1835 on, the Ottoman government, much like
Mehmed Ali Pasha had done after 1809, sent
military students to Paris, London, Vienna and
Berlin for education in “military sciences” and
foreign languages. At first, some civilian
personnel, like Ohannes Efendi, from the
famous Dadian family, and his son, were given
the duty to go to Britain and France and study
institutions that were similar to the gunpowder
factories and industrial production in Tophane
so that they could adapt them as appropriate.
Importation of Weapons and the
Establishment of Local Military Industries
To fulfill its needs for weapons for the newlyestablished army, the Ottoman government
turned mostly to Belgium and Austria, rather
than Britain, with whom they had fallen out
during the Greek Rebellion. Great Britain,
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1827’de ilk defa Avrupa’ya
gönderilen ve sonraki
dönemlerde önemli
görevlere getirilen Türk
talebeleri. Sa¤dan sola:
Topçu generallerinden
Hüseyin R›fk› Pafla, Deniz
Subay› Ahmed Bey,
Kurmay Albay Abdüllatif
Bey, Maden Mühendisi
Sadrazam Edhem Pafla
Turkish students who were
brought from Europe for
important duties for the
first time in 1827 and in
later eras. From right to
left: Hüseyin R›fk› Pasha,
Naval Lieutenant Ahmed
Bey, Staff Colonel
Abdüllatif Bey, Mining
Engineer Grand Vizier
Edhem Pasha of the
Cannoneer Generals
(Paris 1830, Tanzimat)
Osmanl› hükümeti de 1835 y›l›ndan itibaren
Mekteb-i Harbiye’den ve Mühendishâne-i
Berrî’den fünûn-› harbiye ve lisân-› ecnebiye tahsili
için Paris, Londra, Viyana ve Berlin’e askerî
talebeler gönderdi. Baflta meflhur Dadian
ailesinden Ohannes Efendi ve o¤lu olmak üzere
baz› sivil personel de, ‹stanbul’daki baruthaneleri
ve Tophane’yi endüstriyel üretime adapte
edebilmeleri için ‹ngiltere ve Fransa’daki muadil
tesisleri incelemekle görevlendirildiler.
Silah ‹thalat› ve Yerli Askerî Sanayinin
Kurulmas›
Osmanl› hükümeti yeni kurulan ordu için silah
ihtiyac›n›, Rum ‹syan› s›ras›nda ters düfltü¤ü
‹ngiltere yerine, a¤›rl›kl› olarak Belçika ve
Avusturya’dan gidermek yoluna gitmiflti.
Osmanl› Devleti’ne silah ambargosu uygulayan
imposing a weapons embargo on the Ottoman
State, changed this attitude by the end of the
same year. The importation of weapons, mostly
to Istanbul and ‹zmir, was carried out by
European merchants. The sultan was the final
focal point of weapons procurement; in a note
that he made on a memorandum concerned
with weapons to be bought from Trieste, he
stated that some weapons had earlier been
purchased from the same area, but the barrels
and iron parts of these had been faulty.
The sultan went on to warn that if the new ones
were not in good condition then this money
would have been wasted.
After the first years, the establishment of a rifle
factory to increase the volume of local rifles,
which were largely hand-crafted by masters in
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‹ngiltere, ayn› y›l›n sonunda bu tavr›n›
de¤ifltirdi. Silah ithalat› a¤›rl›kl› olarak ‹stanbul
ve ‹zmir’deki “Frenk tüccarlar›” arac›l›¤›yla
yürütülüyordu. Silah al›mlar›nda son tasdik
merci olan sultan, Trieste’den al›nacak tüfekler
hakk›nda sunulan bir takririn üstüne düfltü¤ü
notta, oradan daha önce de bir parti tüfek
geldi¤ini ve bunlar›n kundak ve demirlerinin
sakat ç›kt›¤›n› hat›rlatm›fl ve e¤er yeni gelenler
de sa¤lam ç›kmazsa bunun “nâfile masraftan
ibâret olaca¤›” ikaz›nda bulunmufltu.
S U L T A N
M A H M U D
I I
Istanbul and some cities in Rumelia, came onto
the agenda. To aid this, steam machinery was
imported from Great Britain and experts were
also brought in. The place chosen for this rifle
factory was the empty land around Dolmabahçe,
were the existing Tüfenkhane was; the factory
soon began production.
T
‹lk y›llar›n ard›ndan, ‹stanbul ve Rumeli’nin baz›
flehirlerindeki ustalar›n el eme¤ine dayal› yerli
tüfek imalat›n›n hacminde art›fl sa¤lanmas› için
bir Tüfenkhâne-i Âmire kurulmas› gündeme geldi.
Bunun için ‹ngiltere’den buharl› makineler ithal
edildi ve uzman personel getirtildi. Bu tüfek
fabrikas› için seçilen yer, mevcut tüfenkhanenin
de bulundu¤u Dolmabahçe civar›ndaki bofl arsa
olmufl ve fabrika bir süre sonra üretime
bafllam›flt›.
‹ngiltere’den getirtilen buharl› makinalarla
Tüfenkhane’nin yan›s›ra bir de top fabrikas›
(Tophane Vapurhanesi) hizmete sokuldu. Ayr›ca
Tüfenkhane için demir üreten Samako
Dökümhanesi de ‹ngiliz mühendisler
dan›flmanl›¤›nda yeniden yap›land›r›ld›.
‹stanbul’daki tüfek fabrikas›na yeterince demir
gelmemesine k›zan sultan, “Memâlik-i
fiâhâne’nin bâz› mahallerinde demir mâdenleri
var ise de lây›k›yla bak›lmayarak flunun bunun
yed-i zabt ü taht›nda kald›¤›” ikaz›yla ‹vraniye
kazas› mirmirân› Hüseyin Pafla’y› suçlam›fl ve
madenin esasen devletine ait oldu¤unu ifade
ederek Baruthâne-i Âmire Hazinesi taraf›ndan
zabtolunup iflletilmesi emrini vermiflti.
he steam machinery that was brought from
Great Britain was put into service not only in
the Tüfenkhane (Imperial Rifle Factory), but also
the Tophâne vapurhânesi (cannon foundry).
Moreover, the Samako foundry, which produced
iron for the Tüfenkhane was reorganized on the
advice of British engineers. The sultan, enraged
that not enough iron had come to the rifle
factory in Istanbul, was known to have blamed
the governor of the ‹vraniye province, Hüseyin
Pasha saying ‘There are some iron mines in the
Glorious State, belonging to certain individuals
which are not being properly operated,” and stated
that the mine essentially belonged to the state;
he ordered that the mines be confiscated and
operated by the Baruthâne-i Âmire Hazinesi
(Imperial Gunpowder Factory Treasury)
After the production at the Tüfenkhane reached
a certain level, the sultan’s attitude to
purchasing rifles changed. He became enraged
when a project for purchasing rifles came in
front of him for approval and asked if 500 purses
of akçe were being taken from the mint every
month to pay for the production of weapons in
the Tüfenkhane-i Âmire, why then were weapons
being imported? Another matter which the
sultan criticized was the disorder that was
experienced in distributing the weapons to the
newly-established troops.
Tüfenkhane’nin belirli bir üretime varmas›n›n
ard›ndan, sultan›n tüfek al›mlar›na karfl› tavr› da
de¤iflmiflti. Onay için önüne gelen bir tüfek sat›n
alma projesi karfl›s›nda fevkalâde hiddetlendi¤i
ve her ay Darbhane’den ç›kart›lan 500 kese akçe
ödenekle Tüfenkhâne-i Âmire’de silah imal
edilirken niye ithalat yoluna gidildi¤ini
sorgulad›¤› biliniyor. Sultan›n elefltiri getirdi¤i
bir di¤er husus da, yeni aç›lan birliklere silah
verilmesinde yaflanan düzensizlikler olmufltu.
II. Mahmud
(TSM, nr., 17-51)
(Sol sayfa / Facing page)
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