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EBAD/JABS
Ege ve Balkan Araştırmaları Dergisi / Journal of Aegean and Balkan Studies
Cilt/Volume: 2015-2 Sayı/Issue: 2
SOME REMARKS ON THE SOCIO-CULTURAL LIFE OF THE TURKS OF
MOREA (17 th - 19th CENTURIES) 1
Mora Türklerinin Sosyo-Kültürel Hayatı Üzerine Bazı Görüşler
İbrahim Alper ARISOY ∗ - Dimitris MICHALOPOULOS ∗∗
ABSTRACT
As the Turkish population of Peloponnese almost totally disappeared shortly after the outbreak
of the Greek Revolution in 1821, information on the social and cultural structure of this people is
quite scarce. Nevertheless, travellers’ accounts, some archive documents with rare but useful
details, and pieces of information scattered around the relevant literature might give an idea
about socio-cultural structure of the Turks of Morea. During the Ottoman period, people falling
under this category were living scattered around the peninsula and as such, their subgroups
differed from each other depending on their area of settlement, vocational affiliation, level of
education and even native tongue. Therefore, they formed a highly heterogeneous population.
This study, which focuses on the period between 17 th -19th centuries, aims to share some relevant
details on language, religious practices, daily life and local cuisine.
Keywords: Morea, Ottomans, Turks, social structure, culture, language.
ÖZET
Mora Türklerinin Sosyo-Kültürel Hayatı Üzerine Bazı Görüşler
1821 Yılında patlak veren Yunan ihtilalini takip eden kısa süre içinde Mora yarımadasında yaşayan
Müslüman-Türk nüfus hemen tamamen ortadan kalktığından Mora Türklerinin sosyo-kültürel
yapısı hakkındaki bilgiler oldukça sınırlıdır. Bununla birlikte Osmanlı döneminde Mora’yı ziyaret
etmiş olan seyyahların anlatımlarından, ayrıca sınırlı da olsa ilgili literatürde ve bazı arşiv
belgelerinde rastlanan detaylar üzerinden bu halkın sosyo-kültürel yapısı hakkında fikir edinmek
mümkündür. Yarımadanın her köşesine yayılmış olan Mora Türkleri yaşadıkları yöreye, bağlı
bulundukları meslek grubuna, eğitim düzeyine, hatta anadillerine bağlı olarak birbirlerinden
farklılaşmakta olup heterojen bir kitle meydana getiriyorlardı. 17 ila 19. yüzyıllar arasını esas alan
bu çalışmada Mora Türklerinin sosyo-kültürel hayatından dil ve ağız özellikleri, dini ve günlük
hayat, hatta yerel mutfak gibi ayrıntılara yer verilmektedir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Mora, Osmanlılar, Türkler, sosyal yapı, kültür, dil.
Some parts of this study are based on the revised and enlarged versions of the papers, which were presented
by the authors at the 9th International Congress of Peloponnesian Studies, organised by the Society of
Peloponnesian Studies at Nauplion on October 30 - November 2 2015, and 9th International Congress on
Population Exchange and Balkan Turkish Culture Studies, took place in Samsun on December 5-6 2015.
∗
Dokuz Eylül University, Izmir.
∗∗
Historical Institute for Studies on Eleutherios Venizelos and his Era in Athens.
1
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Ege ve Balkan Araştırmaları Dergisi / Journal of Aegean and Balkan Studies 2015-2 (2)
INTRODUCTION
It seems that during the Ottoman period, Ottoman-Turkish 2 inhabitants of
Peloponnese formed a heterogeneous community, dispersed around the peninsula.
Apart from forming a minority in demographic terms, there were social and economic
differences among them, depending on their place of settlement and profession.
Besides differences between rural and urban areas, ethno-linguistic differences also
seem to have played a role in the heterogeneity of this community. Nevertheless,
despite social, economic and even linguistic varieties, being – or becoming – Muslim
seems to have formed the common basis for the different segments of this people.
Gradually, common characteristics should have increased and led to a distinct
community in the course of time. Unfortunately, we do not seem to dispose of accounts,
detailed enough to enlighten this process. Actually, due to the sudden and dramatic end
of this culture during the first half of the 19th century, as well as due to the remoteness
of this period, we do not dispose of direct and detailed sources on the issue. Some
characteristics of the local culture of the Turks of Morea can be traced through the
impressions of travellers. Although indirectly, some archive documents registered at the
Turkish Prime Ministry (Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivleri) also give certain details on their
social conditions. Thus, what we tried to do in this paper is to bring these pieces of
information together. By culture here, we mean basically the details on language,
religion, customs and even cuisine. These details will be categorised as follows under
separate titles: socio-economic segments of the society; language, religion and daily life.
We are aware of the fact that these details will not provide an overall picture of the
issue, but we expect that they shed light on its certain aspects. At this point, it should
be also noted that, rather than repeating general characteristics of Ottoman culture,
daily life etc., which are common for most of the Ottoman Empire, we will focus on the
details, which differentiate the Turks of Morea from those living elsewhere.
The paper is based principally on the Ottoman-Turkish sources, but some western
accounts and local sources will also be referred to, in so far as they are relevant to the
details we focus on. The sources can be categorised into a few groups. In the first group
there are some recent works, which are not directly relevant to the topic but give useful
details. In the second group there are traveller’s logs, with particular focus on that of
Evliyâ Çelebi, who visited the peninsula around mid-17th century, giving a detailed
account of not only its geography but also social and cultural characteristics of its people.
In another group, there are Ottoman archive documents, which mostly refer to the
Within the context of this this study, the terms “Turk”, “Muslim” and “Ottoman” are used interchangeably,
for three basic reasons: firstly, “being” or “becoming Turk” has been traditionally identified with being muslim
or converting to Islam in the Balkans, especially by the Muslims whose native tongue is not Turkish. In that
sense, being or becoming Turk implied embracement of Islamic faith and culture, rather than an ethnic origin.
Secondly, as a consequence of this tradition, Muslims of Morea were associated – if not directly identified –
with Ottomans/Turks, as the terms “Turkish-Albanian” (Τουρκαλβανοί) or “Turkish-Vardounian”
(Τουρκοβαρδουνιώτες) suggest (see below for details). Thirdly, like the case of Cretan Turks (Τουρκοκρητικοί)
most of the refugees of Morea settled in present-day Turkey, where they integrated to the wider Turkish
society. It is upon this specific historical and geographical context that the aforementioned three terms are
used interchangeably.
2
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İ.A. Arısoy – D. Michalopoulos
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Some Remarks on the Socio-Cultural Life of the Turks of Morea …
refugees of Morea after they left the peninsula, but still give an idea on their social
characteristics. Besides, some of these documents give details on the religious life. In
another group, there are some recent accounts of local history on Morean refugees,
who settled around Izmir during and after the Greek Revolution. Lastly – in the hope of
catching some details – we also engaged in the attempts of oral history, asking some of
the grand-grandchildren of these emigrants about what remained in their collective
memory about Morea.
The findings extracted from the aforementioned sources will be accounted for
below. But before, the geo-cultural scope of Morea in Turkish language should be
explained, since this region does not always refer directly to the Peloponnese. In some
contexts, it refers to an area with no clear-cut borders, but involving more or less
common cultural characteristics. Therefore, below, firstly we will try to clarify where
exactly is meant by Morea in Ottoman-Turkish language. Then, we will focus on some
characteristics of this area, which differentiate here from other parts of the Aegean and
as such, which form the background for cultural characteristics of the Turks of Morea.
Then we will continue with the details concerning language, religion and daily life.
GEO-CULTURAL SCOPE OF “MOREA” IN OTTOMAN-TURKISH MIND MAP
The peninsula of Peloponnese is referred to as “Mora” in Turkish language, which
is derived from Μωρέας. Due to its evident geographical characteristics, this region is
frequently referred to as an island in Ottoman sources with the expressions such as
“Mora adası”, “Mora ceziresi”, “cezire-i Mora”, all meaning “island of Morea”. These
expressions obviously limit the geographical scope of Morea to the peninsula. However,
a closer look into the use of this name throughout the Ottoman period suggests that the
geographical scope of Morea differed according to context – and historical period – in
which the word was used. As of 17th century for instance, the northern border of Morea
was set as the castle of Megara for administrative reasons, and as such, “Vilayet of
Mora” was extending somehow beyond the isthmus of Korinthos 3. On the other hand,
some documents suggest that the word Morea referred to the areas that are located on
the way to the peninsula, namely the areas extending from Thessaly southwards. In that
sense, let alone cities such as Athens, Lamia etc. the area as north as Larissa was
mentioned with reference to Morea. It was in such a context that this city, which was
called Yenişehir in Ottoman documents, was occasionally referred to as Mora Yenişehri,
i.e. Larissa of Morea 4. This perception suggests an understanding of Morea in a wider
sense, or so to say “greater Morea”, which was definitely strengthened with the
independence and enlargement of Greece throughout the nineteenth century.
Accordingly, when Greece became independent, as most of its lands were limited to the
peninsula of Peloponnese, the newly independent state was identified with Morea by
Ottomans. In this period, it was of vital importance to distinguish between the Greek3 Evliyâ Çelebi, Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi (prep. S. A. Kahraman et al., ed. S. Koz), vol. 8, Yapı Kredi Yay.,
Istanbul, 2003, p. 125.
4 BOA, C.ML, 327/13463, dated 22.12.1810; BOA, BEO, 1552/116331, dated 19.09.1900; BOA, BEO,
1567/117451, dated 20.10.1900.
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Orthodox subjects of the Ottoman Empire and those of the Greek Kingdom. Thus, people
originating from this area were called as “moralı”, i.e. someone who originates from
Morea 5. This word corresponded both to the subjects of the Greek Kingdom and the
Muslim refugees originating from the kingdom. Needless to say, this second group,
members of which were also referred to as “refugees/emigrants of Morea” (Mora
muhacirleri) included also people originating not only from the Peloponnese, but also
from around Attica and Euboea. For instance, a certain Fatma Hanım, who is referred to
as “a refugee from Morea” in a document dated 14th of April 1855, in fact was a former
inhabitant of Athens, who wished to sell off her real estate there 6. In another document
concerning the problems of real estate belonging to Muslim population of Euboea,
Thebai, Livadhia and environs, this perception is stated more clearly. Accordingly, these
areas were mentioned as part of Morea 7.
In due course of time, the word “Yunan”, which in its classical meaning referred
to the ancient Greece, was revived by the Ottoman officials with a modern meaning, to
be used for the independent Greece. As might be guessed, by the adoption of this
ancient name for the modern state, it was aimed to distinguish between the Orthodox
subjects of the Ottoman Empire and those of the Greek Kingdom. But in popular
language, and to a certain extent in official use, the word “Mora” continued to
correspond to the independent Greece for the rest of the 19th century, as will be seen
below.
As stated above, even before Greece gained its independence, the area
extending as north as Larissa was referred – although somehow indirectly – as an
extension of Morea. After Thessaly was handed over to Greece, this perception went on
more conspicuously in popular tongue and even in official use, as reflected by some
documents. For instance on a document dated 24th of September 1898 about settlement
of Muslim refugees from the village of Osmanlar (Makrychori) in Thessaly to the town
of Mudanya in Asia Minor, origin of the refugees is referred to as “Larissa of Morea”
(Mora Yenişehri) 8. In another document of the same period concerning improvement of
their social conditions, the same people are referred to directly as “Muslims of Morea” 9,
thus including even the Muslims of Thessaly under the category of “moralı” (Morean).
At this point, it should be also noted that, some of the Muslim inhabitants of Thessaly,
settled especially around Larissa as refugees during and following the Greek Revolution
were actually of Morean origin 10. To sum up, until the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913,
expansion of the Greek territory enlarged the geographical scope of Morea in OttomanTurkish mind map as well.
5
Nedim İpek, İmparatorluktan Ulus Devlete Göçler, Serander, Trabzon, 2006, pp. 86-87; Ali F. Örenç,
Balkanlarda ilk Dram: Unuttuğumuz Mora Türkleri ve Eyaletten Bağımsızlığa Yunanistan, Babıali Kültür Yay.,
Istanbul, 2009, p.178.
6
BOA, A.MKT.UM., 188/84, dated 14.04.1855.
7
BOA, HR.MKT., 263/49, dated 3.11.1858.
8 BOA, İ.MTZ.(01), 23/1104, dated 24.09.1898.
9 BOA, Y.MTV, 182/74, dated 01.10.1898.
10 Cf. BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 10/561, dated 29.12.1845; BOA, İ..MVL., 75/1457, dated 19.03.1846; BOA, DH.SAİD.d.,
153/7, dated 30.06.1859.
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Before closing this title, let us take a look at what has been left in the minds of
the grandchildren of the refugees from Morea, concerning the geographical position of
their area of origin. In the old generation of Morean emigrants today, whose grandgrandparents took refuge around Izmir in 1820s and 1830s, the word “Mora” still seems
a bit fuzzy, without any clear-cut geographical image. There is no clear detail left from
the life there either, except for vague pieces of information. Needless to say, this
ambiguity has to do with the passing of generations and time. As far as the geographical
position of Morea is concerned, the ambiguity has to do with the above-explained
border changes. For instance, a considerable part – or probably even all – of the refugees
of Morea of Sığacık-Seferihisar area of Izmir originate from Karystos of Euboea, rather
than Peloponnese, but when asked, they say that they originate from Morea. In their
mind map, the town of Karystos is referred to with its old Turkish name as “a village
called Kızılhisar in Morea”. When talking about Morea among the grandchildren of the
refugees, one of the most frequent questions one might come across is as follows: “is
Morea an island?” A question, obviously with no clear-cut response. Upon our talks on
their remote land of origin, our impression on what remained in their collective mind
about Morea can be summarised as follows: “somewhere out there, on the other side
of the sea, probably an island” 11.
Before reviewing the details on social and cultural characteristics of the Turkish
population of Morea, it might be enlightening to revisit some geo-historical
characteristics of the peninsula and its immediate surroundings, since these
characteristics seem to have a decisive impact on the human geography there.
PELOPONNESE AS A MARITIME FRONTIER AREA AND THE FORMATION OF MUSLIMTURKISH COMMUNITIES
Because of its obvious geographical characteristics, throughout the Ottoman
period, Peloponnese had always been a frontier area, open to not only external but also
internal threats and conflicts. In that sense, it was a borderland characterised by both
maritime frontiers and also inland de facto frontiers, which isolated areas such as Mani.
Needless to say, military conditions and security concerns formed the very
characteristics of the people and settlement of this area 12. After Ottomans took control
over the peninsula, there was no massive immigration of Turkish people, as elsewhere
in Rumelia. However, soldiers and officials settled in Morea with their families gradually
formed the nucleus of the Ottoman-Turkish community in this area 13. In Ottoman
11
These impressions originate from the talks with some people whose family origins extend to Morea. Names
of the people interviewed, their age, place and date of the interview are as follows: Hasan Kozan (89), Sığacık,
26.12.2014; Hasan Şaka (90), Seferihisar, 21.02.2015, 6.10.2015; Yaşar Akkaya, Seferihisar (67), 6.10.2015; Nail
Abacı (57), Seferihisar, 26.12.2014, 6.10.2015.
12
For implications of this situation in Patras, see: Ayşe Kayapınar, “Osmanlı Döneminde Mora'da Bir Sahil Şehri:
Balya Badra/Patra (1460-1715)”, Cihannüma: Journal of History and Geography Studies, Vol. 1, July 2015, pp.
68, 72, 79, 91.
13 cf. Kayapınar (Ayşe), op.cit., pp. 72, 75, 79; for development and details of Ottoman administration in Morea
see: Anastasia Kyrkini-Koutoula, I Othomaniki Dioikisi stin Ellada: I Periptosi tis Peloponnisou, Arsenidi, Athens,
1996; Levent Kayapınar, Osmanlı Klasik Dönemi Mora Tarihi, unpublished doctoral thesis, Ankara University
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records, those who descended from the families of conquerors are referred to as the
“sons of the conquerors” (evlâd-ı fâtihan) 14. Traces of this group of residents, recorded
separately from others are also found in Peloponnese. For instance, according to a
record, soldiers responsible for the defence of Nauplion (Anabolu) and Palamidi
(Palamuta) castles were of this group 15. The relevant record is about their daily
allowance. It seems that these people, accompanied by other state officials, members
of ulema (scholars of madrasas, cadis, muftis etc.) and members of Sufi dervish orders
formed the basis of Ottoman-Turkish element in Morea, initially gathered around
military settlements, fortifications, harbours etc. This element seems to have increased
in number and penetrated into remote parts of peninsula, mostly by means of
conversion 16 and marriages 17. The process of conversion, which was also referred to as
“turning Turk” seems to have taken place gradually 18. By the mid-17th century,
percentage of Muslim element had exceeded one fourth of the total population 19.
During the Venetian occupation, most of this element left the peninsula 20. It is also
understood that during this period, some Muslims of Morea had to convert to
Christianity or they had to feign so 21. From the land survey and registration record
(tahrir) dating from a few years after Ottomans regained control of the area (around
1718-1719), some inhabitants of Mystra (Mizistre), Nauplion (Anabolu) and Tripolis
(Tripoliçe, Tripolitza) were recorded separately along with other confessional groups as
“mürted”, which means one who abandoned Islam and converted to another religion 22.
As the Ottomans regained control of Morea, refugees that left the area during the
Venetian occupation were planned to be resettled to their lands immediately, as
mentioned on a document of the year 1715 23. However, percentage of Muslim
Institute of Social Sciencesi, Ankara, 1999; Levent Kayapınar, “Mora’da Tourkokratia’nın Tesisi”, XIV.
Uluslararası Türk Tarih Kongresi, Ankara, 9-13 September 2002. Ankara, 2005, vol 2, pp. 3-21.
14 Tayyip Gökbilgin, Rumeli’de Yürükler, Tatarlar ve Evlâd-ı Fâtihân, İ.Ü. Edebiyat Fakültesi, Osman Yalçın
Matbaası, Istanbul, 1957, pp. 255-256.
15
BOA, D.HSK.d., 25858.
16
Levent Kayapınar, “The Ottoman Conquest of the Morea”, Mésogeios, 17-18 (2002), pp. 14-15; Levent
Kayapınar, “Osmanlı Arşiv Kaynaklarına göre Dimitsana’nın Demografik Yapısı”, 1st Pan-Arcadian Web
Conference, Athens, June 2006, p. 14, http://conference.arcadians.gr/media/L.Kayapinar-Dimitsana.pdf ,
retrieved: 20.10.2015; cf. Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 154; for some details of conversion process in Patras see:
Kayapınar (Ayşe), op.cit., pp. 76, 80.
17 Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 126.
18
The process of conversion to Islam, which was not rare all over the Ottoman Empire, is still discussed in
terms of motives, underlying socio-economic factors etc. The motives and social, economic and even political
background seems to differ from period to period and from region to region. The patterns of conversion in
Morea seem to be similar to what was experienced in Crete or other Aegean islands (cf. Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit,
p. 174; vol. 9, p. 133).
19
Machiel Kiel, John Alexander, “Mora”, TDV İslam Ansiklopedisi, vol. 30, p. 283,
20 For relevant details in the case of Patras see: Kayapınar (Ayşe), op.cit., pp. 83, 85-87, 91.
21 Kiel, Alexander, op.cit., p. 283.
22 BOA, MAD.d., 4079.
23 BOA, İE.AS., 63/5687, dated 23.12.1715.
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population never reached its previous level. As of 1805, it was around 12 percent of the
total population 24.
SOCIAL CONDITIONS
As stated above, it is quite difficult to give an overall and detailed picture of social
and cultural life of the Muslim inhabitants of Morea, not only due to lack of sufficient
sources, but also because of the fact that this community was not a homogenous one,
having differing characteristics depending on geographical position, economic activities,
lifestyle etc. Actually publications concerning these details are quite scarce as well. With
the exception of a detailed account of the dramatic side of the Greek Revolution for
Turkish inhabitants of Peloponnese 25, some studies concerning local details of the
Ottoman period 26 and local accounts of family histories 27, literature in this field seems
to be quite silent.
Most of the details we reached originate from accounts of travellers’ logs and
secondary sources that include details relevant to our quest. Although quite indirectly,
some archive documents also contain useful details. Under this title, we will mostly
make use of this latter group of sources.
In the Ottoman Archive documents, people originating from Morea are referred
to either as Moralı in plain Turkish, or more officially as Moravî. If the document refers
to a family name or family affiliation, the words Moralızâde or Moravîzâde are also used,
both of which literally mean “son of the one who originates from Morea”. Another
epithet used in the same context is the Arabic “Moraviyyülasl”, which literally means
“originally of Morea”. Of these, “Moralı” is still in use in modern Turkish, both as an
adjective indicating geographic origin and a surname. Although less frequent, there are
also some names referring to a specific geographical area or a sort of geo-ethnic origin
such as Lalo, Lalot or Lalotzâde, which refer to the Albanian Muslims of the area around
Lalas. Sometimes Albanian ethnic origin is directly inferred from family names such as
Arnavudzâde or Arnavudoğlu, i.e. son of an Albanian, as in the cases of Arnavudzâde
Ahmed Ağa 28 or Arnavudoğlu Halil Feyzi Bey 29, who are referred to as refugees from
Kiel, Alexander, op.cit., p. 284.
Örenç, op.cit.
26
Kayapınar, L (2002); Kayapınar, L (2006); Fariba Zarinebaf et.al., A Historical and Economic Geography of
Ottoman Greece, The Southwestern Morea in the 18th Century, The American School of Classical Studies at
Athens, Athens, 2005; Kayapınar (Ayşe), op. cit.; Levent Kayapınar, “Osmanlı Kaynaklarına göre Leondar ve
Karitena’nın Demografik ve İdari Yapısı”, Journal of Aegean and Balkan Studies, Vol. 1/Issue 1 (2015), pp. 115136.
27 Ali Ergül, “Mora Tarihi ve Moralı Kuşadalılar”, Kuşadası Yerel Tarih, no. 7, August 2009, pp. 7-8; Ali Ergül,
“Benefşe (Menekşe) Monemvassia”, Kuşadası Yerel Tarih, no. 7, August 2009, p. 8; Ülker Özemrah,
“Paşozadeler Ahmet Şükrü Ege ve Şaheste Bilgin Aile Tarihi”, Kuşadası Yerel Tarih, no. 7, August 2009, pp. 912.
28 BOA, A.MKT.NZD., 205/93, dated 21.12.1856.
29 BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 111/393, dated 30.07.1859; cf. also William M. Leake, Travels in the Morea, vol. 2, London,
1830, p. 94.
24
25
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Morea 30. At this point, it should be also noted that Lalots – or Lalliotes, as referred to by
foreign travellers 31, were also a specific group of Morean refugees with distinct rural
lifestyle. Even when they were living in Morea, inhabitants of the “village of Lala (Lalas)
of the kaza of Gaston (Gastouni)” were referred to as difficult to cope with, refusing to
give taxes and engaging in brigandage 32. Therefore, it was especially difficult for these
people to settle in a new area and adapt themselves to the new conditions there. After
they left Morea, firstly they were settled in Karaferye (Veroia), where they could not get
on well with the local people 33. Upon complaints, they were decided to be sent to Varna
and divided into groups of twenty-thirty families, in order to facilitate their integration 34.
As of 1835, these groups of families had arrived to Varna 35 and settled around Pazarcık
(Pazardžik), Filibe (Plovdiv) and Edirne 36.
Most of the documents bearing the aforementioned names indicating Morea as
an area of origin date from the decades following the Greek Revolution, period in which
Muslim refugees of Morea had spread all over the Ottoman Empire. Therefore, although
they might not date from the period in which the people in question lived in Morea, they
indirectly give details on their social structure. People who emigrated from this area
were settled mostly in the Vilayet of Aydın, which presently corresponds to the modern
provinces of Izmir, Aydın, Manisa, Muğla and Denizli. But according to archive
documents, the geographical extent of their settlement was much wider, including all of
the major cities of the Ottoman Empire such as Istanbul, Thessaloniki (Selânik), Bitola
(Manastır), Edirne 37, Plovdiv (Filibe) 38, Bursa 39, Ioannina (Yanya) 40, and some more
remote towns such as Alexandria 41, Trabzon 42, Antalya 43, Burdur 44, Uşak 45, Sivas 46,
Nicosia 47, Preveza 48 etc. Their differing social conditions reflect the variety of social
As elsewhere in Rumelia, because of – and according to – their religious affiliation, Muslim Albanians were
occasionally referred to as “Turkish-Albanians” (Türk-Arnavut, Τουρκαλβανοί) while Orthodox ones were
referred to as “Greek-Albanians” (Rum-Arnavut, Ελληνες-Αρβανίτες).
31
Cf. William Gell, Narrative of a Journey in the Morea, London, 1823, pp. 80, 117, 349, 351.
32
BOA, C.DH., 125/6232, dated 12.11.1795; BOA, C.DH., 27/1330, 2.10.1799; BOA, C.ZB., 9/424, dated
4.11.1799; practice of plundering by the people of this area is also mentioned by some foreign travellers, cf.
for instance: Gell, p. 351.
33
BOA, HAT, 855/38223, dated 28.06.1832; BOA, HAT, 855/38223, dated 2.07.1832; BOA, HAT, 855/38223,
dated 19.05.1833.
34 BOA, HAT, 855/38223, dated 12.07.1832.
35 BOA, C.DH., 264/13168, dated 4.06.1835.
36
BOA, HAT, 1322/51641, dated 22.10.1836.
37
BOA, MVL, 344/51, dated 19.03.1855.
38 BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 26/495, dated 5.11.1850.
39
BOA, DH.MKT., 1594/4, dated 13.02.1889.
40
BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 3/174, dated 15.03.1839; BOA, İ.MVL., 289/11527, dated 13.11.1853.
41
BOA, HR.MKT., 49/59, dated 23.09.1852.
42 BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 162/495, dated 31.10.1883.
43
BOA, ŞD, 1721/22, dated 14.12.1899; BOA, ŞD, 1734/4, dated 14.12.1899.
44
BOA, A.MKT.DV., 95/38, dated 21.07.1856.
45 BOA, DH.MKT., 1533/62, dated 15.08.1888.
46 BOA, A.DVN., 91/78, dated 3.09.1853.
47 Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü, Osmanlı İdaresinde Kıbrıs, Ankara, 2000, p. 24.
48 BOA, A.MKT.MVL., 94/89, dated 18.01.1858.
30
45
EBAD/JABS
segments. Accordingly, some of the refugees were able to keep their social status as
merchants and landowners, as was the case of certain Celal Bey of Morea, who was
having a waterside residence built on the shores of Bosphorus in 1850s 49. But at the
same time most refugees were in need of social help and protection. They were
provided housing and monthly refugee allowance by the central administration. For
instance, a group of Morean refugees were provided housing in and around Istanbul,
some of whom were given financial assistance to pay for their rents 50. It seems that this
practice of social help went on for decades, and refugee status was recognised as a basis
for asking help from state authorities 51. According to a document dated 13th of February
1889, “Nakıyye Hanım, who was one of the old refugees of Morea was entitled a
salary” 52. Another document is about the increase in Morean refugee Dervişe Hanım’s
monthly allowance 53. Likewise, according to a series of documents from the last decade
of 19th century, Lalotzâde Hayrullah Efendi of Morea, son of Abbas Lalot asked the state
authorities for a job because of his difficult economic condition 54. It seems that his
request was accepted, he was not only paid 1000 piasters from Sultan’s treasury, but he
was also appointed policeman 55.
Thus, documents with similar contents suggest that refugees of Morea formed a
quite heterogeneous social group. To a certain extent, this reflects the heterogeneity of
their social and economic conditions in their land of origin. Their professions also give
an idea about their social diversity. Except from common occupations such as officers,
state officials, teachers, scholars, farmers, we come across a wide range of professions
including landowners 56, grocers 57 barbers 58, merchants 59, sheikhs 60, surgeons 61 etc.
CULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS
Cultural characteristics of the Ottoman-Turkish inhabitants of Morea will be
reviewed under three categories. As the most important element of culture, firstly
details about language will be explained, along with a brief account of literary activities.
Secondly, details on religious life will be reviewed and under the last section, certain
details on daily life will be given.
BOA, İ.MVL., 315/13224, dated 22.09.1854.
BOA, D.BŞM.d, 9720.
51 BOA, A.MKT.NZD., 182/50, dated 17.04.1856; BOA, MVL, 176/26, dated 27.11.1856; BOA, A.MKT.NZD.,
203/50, dated 4.12.1856.
52
BOA, DH.MKT., 1594/4, dated 13.02.1889.
53 BOA, BEO, 1098/82312, dated 5.04.1898.
54
BOA, DH.MKT., 1623/120, dated 19.05.1889.
55
BOA, DH.MKT., 1907/72, dated 5.01.1892; BOA, DH.MKT., 1938/71, dated 1.04.1892.
56
BOA, MVL, 344/51, dated 19.03.1855; BOA, BEO, 381/28556, dated 10.04.1894.
57 BOA, BEO, 287/21479, dated 4.10.1893.
58
BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 8/91, dated 31.08.1856.
59
BOA, A.MKT.UM., 18/70, dated 16.06.1850; BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 26/495, dated 5.11.1850; BOA, HR.MKT.,
49/59, dated 23.09.1852; BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 83/207, dated 22.09.1854; BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 153/7, dated
30.07.1859.
60 BOA, BEO, 787/58971, dated 1.06.1896.
61 BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 5/625, dated 26.11.1848; BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 49/459, dated 5.11.1850.
49
50
46
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LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
It is clear that besides Turkish and Albanian, the predominant language in
Peloponnese throughout the Ottoman period was Greek. It was the native tongue of not
only most of the local Christians but also majority of the Muslim inhabitants of Morea,
especially those who lived in rural areas. This assertion is confirmed both by historical
sources 62 and by the descendants of Morean refugees living around Izmir 63. The obvious
reasons of this phenomenon were partly explained above as mixed marriages and
conversions. In addition to these practices however, constant interaction and trade
relations with Greeks 64 seems to have made the Greek language adopted by Turkish
people. As we learn from Evliyâ Çelebi, while in some military settlements such as
Chlemoutsi (Holumiç) 65 Muslims were living isolated within the castle, in quite a few
settlements such as Korinthos (Gördüs) 66, Leontari (Leondar, Londar) 67 and Mistra
(Mizistre) 68, inner parts of the castle were inhabited together by both people. Such was
also the case of Patras throughout the Ottoman period 69.
In consequence of this interaction, not only Turkish people adopted Greek, but
also colloquial Turkish spoken in various parts of Morea underwent a transformation.
This transformation seems to have four main aspects. In the first place, Greek accent
and pronunciation influenced Turkish. A conspicuous sign of this impact is the frequent
use of “ς” instead of “ş” 70. Secondly, Turkish spoken in Morea had an increased amount
of loanwords from Greek, such as kakomir (κακομοίρης), kökülü/küküli (κουκούλι) 71,
kalımbok (καλαμπόκι) 72, istafidiye (σταφίδα) 73 etc., so as to require a translator for
anyone not familiar with this variant of the language 74. It is also interesting to observe
that loanwords included not only generic names, but also essential elements of the
language such as personal pronouns, as will be seen in one of the examples below. The
third aspect concerning the impact of Greek in local Turkish is the convergence of syntax.
In the example sentences given by Evliyâ Çelebi, it is observed that the Greek syntax was
adopted by speakers of Turkish 75. Lastly, it also draws attention that in interrogative
Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, pp. 127, 137, 155.
Cf. Ali Ergül, “Mora Tarihi ve Moralı Kuşadalılar”, op. cit., p. 8.
64 Cf. Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, pp. 127, 155.
66
Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 126.
67
69
Kayapınar (Ayşe), op.cit., pp. 76-79, 81-84, 92.
70
71
Ibid.
72 Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, pp. 127-128.
73
Kayapınar (Ayşe), op.cit., p. 90.
74
75 Actually, given the fact that syntactic convergence is a common phenomenon for all of the Balkan languages,
regardless of their language family, this resemblance in syntax should involve not only Greek but also Albanian
(for details see Brian D. Joseph, “Is Balkan Comparative Syntax Possible?”, in M. L. Rivero, A. Ralli (eds.),
Comparative Syntax of Balkan Languages, Oxford Univ. Press, Oxford 2001, pp. 17-43).
62
63
47
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questions, the relevant particle is omitted and the sense of interrogation was rendered
through intonation, as in Greek language and Cypriot Turkish. We will share two of the
example sentences recorded by Evliyâ Çelebi in Korinthos during the mid-17th century,
where all the population was speaking Greek, Albanian and a local variant of Turkish 76.
In order to facilitate comparison, besides the original record in local Turkish, we give
Greek and English translations:
Ya bire esi bırakmışsın sirkecik çorbaya?
Ἂ βρ’ἐσύ, ἔβαλες ξυδάκι στὴ σούπα ;
Have you put a little vinegar to the soup?
Ekmeğim yokdur, işde şimdi yeyesin kalımbok.
Δεν έχω ψωμί, να
Ψωμὶ δὲν ἔχω, τώρα να φάς καλαμπόκι.
I don’t have bread, so now do eat corn.
In the Turkish sentences above, there are just two loanwords from Greek, namely
εσύ as personal pronoun and καλαμπόκι, but in terms of syntax, both sentences reflect
the impact of Greek language on the colloquial Turkish. Similarly in Athens, where sociocultural conditions were not much different from those in Peloponnese, it is recorded
by Spon and Wheler, who visited the city in around 1675, that “Turks call a fountain in
general vrysis, which also means a source in ancient Greek” 77. Needless to say, linguistic
influence was not one-sided; and constant interaction between languages gave rise to
some hybrid words. Details given again by Spon and Wheler are quite exemplary of this
process. While referring to a specific group of soldiers responsible for guarding the castle
of Athens, they record that “the name given to these soldiers is neferides or isarlides in
Turkish and castriani in Greek” 78. Obviously the first two words referred to as “Turkish”,
are in fact words essentially of Arabic origin but adapted to the local tongue with
grammatical elements from both Turkish and Greek. Thus, the word “nefer”, meaning a
private soldier is made plural according to the rules of the Greek grammar. Likewise
“hisarlı”, which is derived from hisar (castle, fortification) and which refers to the guards
of the fort was rendered “isarli” in line with local pronunciation, and pluralised according
to the Greek grammar.
As stated occasionally above, like the rest of the people of Morea, Muslims living
in this area were also familiar with the Albanian language 79. Another language with
which the people of Morea became gradually familiar during the second half of the 18th
century was French. During this period, especially in coastal areas, French seems to have
replaced Italian as foreign language 80. Knowledge of French then was very rare among
Muslims and it seems that its increasing importance put some people originating from
Jacob Spon, George Wheler, Voyage d’Italie de Dalmatie, de Grèce, et du Levant, vol. 2, Amsterdam 1679,
p. 131.
78 Spon, Wheler, op. cit. p. 101.
79 For details of Albanian-speaking settlements in Morea during the Ottoman period, see Kayapınar, L (2002),
pp. 13-14; cf. Kayapınar (Ayşe), op.cit. p. 75; Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 170.
80 Kemal Beydilli, “Seyyid Ali Efendi”, TDV İslam Ansiklopedisi, vol. 37, p. 45.
76
77
48
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Morea in an advantageous position. Such was the case of Moralı Seyyid Ali Efendi,
Ottoman statesman and the first permanent ambassador of Ottoman Empire to Paris.
Accordingly, when he arrived in Istanbul around the 1770s at the age of 13-14, he was
fluent in Greek and had also some basic knowledge of French, which played a crucial
role in his career as a diplomat 81. Similar was the case of Yusuf Agâh Efendi, son of the
renowned Süleyman Penâh Efendi of Tripolis, who was the first permanent ambassador
of the Sublime Porte at London between the years 1792-1799 82.
Despite the relatively limited spread of Turkish language, Morea had also modest
but significant contributions to the Ottoman literature, especially in field of classical
poetry. Among these, Firdevsî of Mistra (Mezistreli), who lived in Kyparissia (Arkadya)
and Kıyâmî of Coron draw attention as the poets of 16th century 83. Firdevsî, who served
as cadi in Mistra during the reign of Suleiman the Magnificent, was also known as
Firdevsî Çelebi 84. In the following century, Hüseyin of Korinthos (Gördüslü Şair Hüseyin)
and the Sufi Sheikh Hasan Sezâî are recorded as remarkable poets originating from
Morea 85. From the last phase of the Ottoman period, names of Abdurrahman Sami
Pasha of Tripolis 86 and Mehmed Emin Sabri Efendi of Nauplion stand out among the
masters of poetry. It is recorded that the latter had written poems not only in Turkish
and Persian, but also in Greek 87. From this period, Süleyman Penâh Efendi is also
recorded among poets, although he is known rather as an intellectual and historian 88.
Another famous poet of Morean origin was Leylâ Hanım, whose date of deceit is
recorded as 1847 89. She was known with her lyric poems of love accompanied with
motives of Sufism, as she was affiliated to the Mevlevi order 90.
81
Ibid; In any case, it seems that his knowledge of French was not sufficient to conduct an effective diplomacy
during his office in Paris (Hadiye Tuncer, Hüner Tuncer, Osmanlı Diplomasisi ve Sefaretnameler, Ümit Yay.,
Ankara, 1998, pp. 26-27, 29).
82
Mehmed Süreyya, Sicill-i Osmanî (Ed.: Nuri Akbayar, transcription: S. Ali Kahraman), Vol. 5, Tarih Vakfı Yurt
Yay., Istanbul 1996, p. 1685.
83 Kiel, Alexander, op. cit. p. 284.
84
Mehmed Süreyya, Sicill-i Osmanî (Ed.: Nuri Akbayar, transcription: S. Ali Kahraman), Vol. 2, Tarih Vakfı Yurt
Yay., Istanbul 1996, p. 537.
85 Ibid.; for Sheikh Hasan Sezâî, see: Himmet Konur, “Sezâî-yi Gülşenî”, TDV İslam Ansiklopedisi, vol. 37, pp. 7981.
86
Bursalı Mehmed Tahir Bey, Osmanlı Müellifleri (Eds.: A. F. Yavuz, İ. Özen), vol. 2, Meral Yay., Istanbul, 1972,
p. 361.
87 Kiel, Alexander, op. cit. p. 284.
88
Mehmed Süreyya, op.cit., pp. 1550-1551; cf. also: Bilge Kaya Yiğit, “Süleyman Penâhî’nin Nasihatnamesi”,
Gazi Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, vol. 2, No. 3, 2015, pp. 105-133; about works and thoughts of
Süleyman Penâh Efendi see: Aziz Berker, “Mora İhtilâli Tarihçesi veya Penah Efendi Mecmuası”, Tarih
Vesikaları, II, 1942-1943, pp. 63-80, 153-160, 228-240, 309-320, 385-400, 473-480; Yavuz Cezar, “Osmanlı
Aydını Süleyman Penah Efendi'nin Sosyal, Ekonomik ve Mali Konulardaki Görüşleri”, Toplum ve Bilim, vol. 42,
1988, pp. 111-132; Neoklis Sarris, Apo to Cheirografo tou Souleïman Penach Efendi tou Moraïti, Irodotos,
Athens, 2005; Machi Païzi Apostolopoulou, “Anthimos Olympiotis. O Synomilitis tou Souleïman Penach Efendi
(1778)”, O Eranistis, vol. 26 (2007), pp. 281-286.
89 İsmail Ünver, “Leylâ Hanım”, TDV İslam Ansiklopedisi, vol. 27, p. 157.
90 Ünver, op.cit.; Kiel, Alexander, op. cit., p. 284.
49
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RELIGIOUS LIFE
In Morea, as elsewhere in the Ottoman Empire, Islam seems to have asserted
itself firstly through educational institutions such as madrasas, primary and secondary
schools located around the mosques in urban areas, and sustained by pious foundations
(vakıf) 91. Another group of institutions, through which Islamic practices penetrated to
inner parts of the peninsula were represented by Sufi orders. Local centres of these
orders, i.e. tekkes were found virtually in all of the towns of the Ottoman Empire. Their
intensity was so high that, one might even say that there was on average one tekke per
each district (mahala, mahalle) inhabited by Muslims. In fact, Ottoman elites regarded
these institutions as a sort of social need for all villages and towns 92. The same seems to
apply to the case of Morea. According to Evliyâ Çelebi’s account, almost all of the Muslim
settlements had tekkes, but he especially emphasises a few among them, mentioning
also their affiliations in the Sufi tradition of Islam. The first one among them is the Tekke
of Ali Baba in the vicinity of Vostitza (Vostiçse, Vostiça), which belonged to the Bektaşi
order 93. The tekke was built on the seaside, westward to the present-day Aigio. The area
where tekke was located is referred to as an excursion and picnic spot by Evliyâ Çelebi.
In the tekke complex, there was also the shrine of Ali Baba, who most probably was the
founder of the tekke. Around the same place in the next century, we come across the
name of another tekke belonging to the Halvetî order, which might have also replaced
the one referred to by Evliyâ Çelebi. According to the relevant documents, Sheikh Ali
Efendi had a new tekke built here, for the Halvetî order around 1730 94. This tekke was
active up until the end of the Ottoman rule in the area 95. Another tekke complex
referred to by Evliyâ Çelebi along with the name of the order is the one located in the
town of Gastouni (Gaston), which belonged to the Kadirî order 96. As one of the four
tekkes located in the town, this was the most prosperous and active one. It had more
than one hundred dervishes, referred to by Çelebi as “loyal lovers (of God, âşık-ı
sâdık)” 97. The tekke complex included an excellent rose garden and a graveyard with the
tombs of the former sheikhs. The most prominent one among them was the tomb of
Sheikh Alî, probably the founder of the tekke. He was known by the local people as
“Delikli Baba” 98. Another local saint with the same name of “Delikli Baba” is also
mentioned by William M. Leake in Navarin 99. Evliyâ Çelebi also mentions the order of
one of the other tekkes in Gastouni, as Halvetî. According to his account, these
For a detailed account of this process in Patras see: Kayapınar (Ayşe), op.cit. pp. 76-80, 83-87.
Adalet B. Alada, Osmanlı Şehrinde Mahalle, Sümer Kitabevi, Istanbul, 2008, p. 91.
94
BOA, C.EV., 309/15711, dated 20.06.1730.
95
BOA, AE.SMHD.I., 94/6503, dated 13.12.1754; BOA, C.EV., 469/23724, dated 18.04.1758; BOA, C.EV.,
58/2871, dated 13.06.1794; BOA, C.EV., 152/7574, dated 14.01.1795; BOA, HAT, 1318/51380, dated
07.10.1820.
96
Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, 137-138.
97
Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, 137.
98 Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, 138.
99 William M. Leake, Travels in the Morea, vol. 1, London 1830, p. 400; according to Leake, tomb of Delikli Baba
was located on top of the rock off the southern tip of Sphacteria. Obviously the arch-like opening on this rocky
island is related to the epithet of this local saint, as “delikli” means holey or hollow in Turkish.
91
92
50
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institutions had a central role in the religious life of the Muslim inhabitants of the area,
all of whom were attached to a Sufi order 100. It is also recorded that the Gülşeniyye
branch of the Halvetî order owned a tekke in Korinthos as of the 17th century. The Sufi
school practiced here by Hasan Sezâî-yi Gülşenî, who is also referred to as poet above,
was later on named after him as “Sezâiyye” 101. Another order mentioned in one archive
document is the Nakshî. According to the document dated from the beginning of 19th
century, this order owned a tekke in Tripolis, which was then the administrative centre
of Morea 102.
During the period following the Venetian occupation, Morea witnessed a
mobilisation of public works and construction of schools, trade centres, covered bazaars
etc 103. The period that corresponds roughly to the last century of the Ottoman rule in
the area was also marked by the revival of religious institutions and cultural life in major
cities. Most of the large mosques built in Morea date from this period, during which
reconstruction activities involved new madrasas, libraries and a training centre for
calligraphy as well 104. In the revival of religious life, Sufi groups also played leading roles.
Immediately after the end of the Venetian occupation, dervishes of Halvetî order led by
Sheikh Yahyâ Şerafeddin Moravî, opened tekkes in Nauplion, Kalavryta, Patras,
Gastouni, Tripolis and Vostitza 105. During this period, the primary goal of the dervishes
was to re-convert those who left Islam during the Venetian occupation 106.
As the above-stated details on tekkes suggest, although we do not have the
names and affiliations of all the tekkes in Morea, the name of the Halvetî order appears
more frequent in the sources. Actually, throughout the 18th century, this order and
especially its Mısriyye branch was quite popular around the Aegean, founded by the
followers of Niyazi-i Mısrî, who passed away in exile in Limnos in 1693. His followers
concentrated especially around Peloponnese, Attica and Euboea 107. This branch of
Halvetî order owned a tekke in Athens, which was referred to as Çadır Tekkesi 108.
Following the Greek Revolution, dervishes originating from Boudunitza, Euboea
(Eğriboz), Thebai (İstefe), Athens, Tripolis and Vostitza moved their tekkes to Izmir, Bursa
and Thessaloniki 109. In Izmir and Bursa, two of these tekkes were referred to as “Moralı
Tekkesi”. The one in Bursa also bore the epithet of “Atinalı” (Athenian). The full name of
this tekke was “Moralı Sheikh Ali Rıza Dergâhı”, which indicates the name of its founder.
According to the relevant records, Sheikh Ali Rıza was of Athenian origin, grandfather of
Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, 137.
For details see: Konur, op.cit.
102
BOA, C.EV., 182/9052, dated 18.03.1800.
103
Kiel, Alexander, op. cit., 284.
104 Ibid.
105
Ibid.
106
Ibid.
107 Mustafa Tatcı, Mevlüt Çam, Arşiv Belgelerine göre Niyâzî-i Mısrî ve Dergâhları, TİKA, Ankara, 2015, pp. 6166.
108 Tatcı, Çam, op. cit., p. 61.
109 Tatcı, Çam, op. cit. pp. 60-67.
100
101
51
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whom was once the Mufti of Athens 110. In Izmir, there was another tekke related to
Morea, frequented by the members of Rufai order. As we understand from a record
concerning its renewal in the late 19 th century, the founder of this tekke was Sheikh
Moralı Mustafa Efendi 111. It seems that these tekkes were quite active up until the first
decades of the 20th century 112. In an archive document on the appointment of a Sheikh
for a tekke located in Pravuşta (or Pravişte, present-day Eleftheroupolis in the vicinity of
Kavala), we follow the trace of another tekke with the epithet of “Moralı”. Accrodingly,
the founder of the tekke was Sheikh Mustafa Efendi of Morea 113.
Another aspect of religious – or rather spiritual – life was the popular practice of
visiting tombs of local saints, martyrs and dervishes, dispersed almost all around Morea.
Some of these local saints were revered both by Muslims and Christians. This practice
transformed some religious sites as points of contact between them. Thus, as elsewhere
in the Ottoman Empire, syncretic practices concerning religious sites, shrines etc. were
found in Morea as well. This situation seems to be both the reason and consequence of
social interaction and conversions. Evliyâ Çelebi refers to a local saint of Patras in this
context. Accordingly, tomb of Sarı Sıddîk Baba, who in popular belief was also identified
with the legendary figure of Sarı Saltık was visited by Christians as well. According to
Christians, he was Hagios Nikolaos, who in turn was traditionally identified with Sarı
Saltık in Ottoman Balkans. In fact, this practice was frowned upon by the local
authorities, but it was impossible to prevent, as Çelebi writes 114. A similar case was that
of the shrine of “Yovani Baba”, again located in Patras. As Çelebi writes, according to the
Christians of town, this site of religious visit belonged to one of the disciples of Jesus
Christ, i.e. St. John the Baptist (Hagios Ioannis Prodromos), who was visited and revered
also by local Muslims as Yovani Baba 115.
From the above-stated account on religious life of the Muslims of Morea, one can
draw a conclusion that due to the fact that Islam spread here gradually, attachment to
religious practices differed from region to region. In terms of religious identity and
observing of religious practices, especially rural areas were differing from urban settings.
Although we have not come across any direct reference to this issue in Ottoman-Turkish
sources, accounts of some foreign travellers and local sources confirm this assertion,
according to which Muslim inhabitants of some regions were marked by loose religious
identity 116. This was especially the case around the aforementioned Lalas area and
Vardounia 117. The latter, referred to as Bardonya or Bardunya in Ottoman sources 118
Tatcı, Çam, op. cit. pp. 60, 151-153.
BOA, DH.MKT. 1922/77, dated 15.02.1892.
112
Şeyh Mehmed Şemseddin Mısrî, Niyazî-i Mısrî’nin izinde bir Ömür Seyahat, Dildâr-ı Şemsî, (prep. M. Kara,
Y. Kabakçı), Dergâh yay. Istanbul, 2010, pp. 59, 88.
113 BOA, C.EV. 478/24194, dated 22.08.1833.
114
115
116 Stavros Kapetanakis, I Mani sti Defteri Tourkokratia (1715-1821), Ekd. Adouloti Mani, Areopoli-Mani, 2011,
p. 69; Gell, op. cit., pp. 117-118, 349.
117 Gell, op. cit., pp. 117-118, 349.
118 cf. BOA HAT 281/16651, dated 14.01.1812.
110
111
52
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was a mountainous area located in Lakonia. According to local sources, Muslim
inhabitants of this area, referred to as “Turkish-Vardounians” (Τουρκοβαρδουνιώτες)
were of “Turkish-Albanian” (Τουρκαλβανοί) origin 119. They were settled here by the
Ottoman authorities after 1715, in order to counterbalance the rebellious activities in
the neighbouring area of Mani, as they were good at using weapons 120. However,
administrative and religious institutions did not reach their villages, where they led an
isolated and autonomous life, occasionally causing trouble for the Ottoman
administration as well 121. Their village communities were organised under the
leadership of an “aga” 122, who was responsible for both administration and security of
the village 123.
DETAILS ON DAILY LIFE
It would be misleading to think that we can conceive and reflect all the aspects
of daily life of the Turks of Morea. Population was characterised by social and cultural
variety, as explained above. But still, there are a few details which give an idea about
the overall picture. Among these, common characteristics of daily urban culture that are
frequently observed elsewhere in the Ottoman Empire, such as visiting baths, coffee
shops, certain leisure activities etc. will be omitted here. Under this title, we will rather
focus on some distinctive characteristics of the Turks of Morea.
Muslim inhabitants of Morea could be divided roughly into two groups as rural
and urban communities, but it is obvious that there were various social segments within
these groups as well. Rural communities were differing from each other, depending on
whether they lived on the highlands or in the valleys, on the coastline etc. For instance,
above-stated details on the lifestyle of the Muslim inhabitants of Lalas and Vardounia
areas give an idea on the extent, to which rural communities differed from each other.
Urban population was also made up of various segments, including state officials,
soldiers, merchants, landowners etc. The pieces of information we will share below
involve clothing, furnishing and dining practices, as well as local cuisine.
About details of clothing, the most informative Ottoman source seems to be the
records of Evliyâ Çelebi, who accounts for the relevant details with regard to various
parts of the peninsula. Several points draw attention in his observations. Firstly, while
giving details on clothing, he does not seem to distinguish much between religious
groups. This is neither surprising, nor would it be misleading to assume that there was
no big difference between the garments of Greeks and Turks 124. Secondly, details he
Kapetanakis, op.cit. pp. 67-68.
Ibid.
121
Kapetanakis, op.cit., p. 69.
122 As was the case with the “captains” of Mani, residence of the aga was in the form of a tower, reflecting the
feudal and conflictual character of the area. These local leaders bore the epithet of Vardounias like a surname,
e.g.: Musa Agas Vardounias etc. (Kapetanakis, op.cit., pp. 68-69)
123 Kapetanakis, op.cit., pp. 67-69.
124 It seems that the same applies to other islands. In Lesbos for instance, traditional local garments did not
differ between religious groups, except for some details such as the colour of the sash worn around the waist
(Mısrî, op.cit., p. 107).
119
120
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gives from all over the peninsula are quite similar to each other. Accordingly, female
garments are not different from the local traditional garments of Peloponnese, as we
know now. His account of male garments from different parts of the peninsula somehow
recalls the local costumes, which are known as typical of Mani area and the islands of
the Archipelago today. As far as male garments are concerned, in almost all cases he
emphasises the use of short and tight baggy trousers, as well as red fez 125. Thirdly, while
describing the male garments, he always refers to Algeria, with where Peloponnese had
close maritime trade relations in that period 126.
As for the influence of Western culture on Turkish inhabitants of Morea, a series
of details on daily life recorded by Robert Walpole give interesting details. Accordingly,
as early as the first decades of the 19th century and some twenty years before the
Tanzimat reforms, which officially marked the beginning of the Westernisation in the
Ottoman Empire, European style furniture and dining practices had already reached the
coastal towns of Morea. According to Walpole’s account, these were adopted by upper
segments of Turkish society, as in the case of the Bey of Coron. Beside relevant details,
his account gives an idea on his perception of the Bey as well:
We had been warmly recommended to the Bey, who received us on the beach in
an elegant kiosk built in the Chinese fashion. The Bey himself was learned for a Turk; he
had some knowledge of Astronomy, Mathematics, and Architecture: his brother was
Disdar or commander of the castle. The kiosk was at our disposal, and the Bey had
provided for us an elegant supper. It was served in the European manner, with tables,
chairs, and Staffordshire ware, luxuries we had not seen before in a Turkish house. The
waves beat gently along the walls of our kiosk, and brought on a soft and comfortable
repose 127.
Obviously, what Walpole refers to as “Chinese fashion” should be a typical
Ottoman dwelling, upper floors of which were built in the so called bağdadî style, i.e.
lath and plaster. Probably this residence was one of those depicted in the figure 1, an
engraving of Coron, which more or less dates from the same period.
Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, pp. 128, 142, 149, 162.
Evliyâ Çelebi especially emphasises the trade relations of Navarin with Tunis, Tripoli and Algeria (Evliyâ
Çelebi, op.cit, p. 142).
127 Robert Walpole, Travels in Various Countries of the East, London, 1820, p. 92.
125
126
54
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Fig. 1: Town of Coron in the beginning of the 19th century (Castellan, pp. 16-17).
Another detail on the daily life of Morea during the Ottoman period is about the
local cuisine. Thanks to an Ottoman manuscript from 18th century, a dish called
“marmarine” has been recorded as a speciality of Morea. Contents of the manuscript
were published with Latin characters by Prof. Süheyl Ünver in 1948, founder and then
head of the Institute of Medical History of Istanbul University 128. According to this
record, marmarine, which is referred to as “one of the dishes of the island of Morea” is
prepared as follows 129: a few very thin sheets of pastry are spread out on a cooking tray,
slightly oiled beforehand. Pieces of boiled spinach are put over the sheets of pastry, over
which a mixture of a few whipped eggs and fresh cheese is spread. Then the marmarine
is baked in the oven.
128
129
A. Süheyl Ünver, Tarihte 50 Türk Yemeği, İ.Ü. Tıp Tarihi Enstitüsü No. 39, Istanbul, 1948.
Ünver, op. cit., 27.
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Fig. 2: marmarine
References to marmarine is found in other sources as well, including a variety of
Turkish websites on cooking, which qualify it as an “Ottoman dish” 130. But they all seem
to be derived from the aforementioned record. In other words, this specialty seems to
have been revived thanks to Prof. Ünver’s publication, rather than being handed over
from generation to generation. Perhaps the dish was from a specific region of Morea. In
any case its name is not of Turkish origin but rather recalls the adjective μαρμάρινη in
Greek, meaning something made of marble or looks like it. Probably the delicious view
of the baked pastry was found similar to a colourful marble. During the 9th International
Congress of Peloponnesian Studies, it turned out that as of today, this specialty is not
known in Peloponnese either.
CONCLUSIONS
The above-stated details on social and cultural life of the Ottoman-Turkish
population of Morea have been collected from a variety of sources, which reflect both
the extent and the complexity of the issue. Given the remoteness of the period and
scarcity of sources providing direct information, we did not adopt a comprehensive and
exhaustive approach. Avoiding generalisations as much as possible, we rather tried to
share certain concrete details, which might shed light on a few, but relatively crucial
aspects of socio-cultural life of the Ottoman-Turkish inhabitants of Morea during the
period between the 17th and 19th centuries.
130 Mehmet Z. Pakalın, Osmanlı Tarih Deyimleri ve Terimleri Sözlüğü, vol. 2, MEB Devlet Kitapları, Istanbul 1983,
p. 409; Marmarine, Bir Osmanlı Yemeği, http://cicekekmek.blogspot.com.tr/2013/11/marmarine-bir-osmanliyemegi.html , retrieved 21.10.2015; İnci Beşoğul, “Marmarine”, http://lezzetler.com/marmarine-tarif-86938 ,
retrieved 21.10.2015.
56
EBAD/JABS
Nevertheless, if we are supposed to draw conclusions from these details, firstly, we
can say that despite its being a frontier area constantly open to threats and conflicts, Muslim
communities grew and spread all over the peninsula, a fact which reflects the transformative
power of the Ottoman Empire. These communities, which were differing from each other in
social and even ethno-linguistic terms, developed gradually and eventually formed the
“Muslim” or “Ottoman-Turkish” element of Morea. Thus, for most of its history, Turks of
Morea reflected a heterogeneous socio-cultural structure, being made up of various subgroups. This heterogeneity can also be interpreted as a source of dynamism for this
community, which seems to have generated people of all socio-cultural strata. Another
point, which should be noted, is the fact that despite the adoption of Ottoman-Turkish
cultural elements, in terms of language, daily life etc., this community remained to a great
extent local and native to Morea.
Last but not in the least, results of this study suggest that the cultural influences of
Western Europe reached the Ottoman world firstly through this area, much before the
Tanzimat period. On the one hand, the above-stated details on the knowledge of French
language reflect the role of the Turks of Morea in the birth of modern Turkish bureaucracy –
and intelligentsia of the Tanzimat period. On the other hand, details on daily life show the
direct influence of Western Europe here. Needless to say, this argument remains an
impression, clarification of which exceeds the scope of this paper. As a hypothesis, it merits
a detailed further study, through which the very early roots of Turkish modernisation could
be traced back to the late 18th and early 19th century Morea.
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