Research Proposal

‫בית הספר להיסטוריה‬
‫הצעת מחקר לקראת התואר דוקטור לפילוסופיה‬
‫בנושא‪:‬‬
‫סוציאליזציה ואינדוקטרינציה של אתאטורקיזם במערכת החינוך ובספרי לימוד‬
‫טורקיים ‪1980-2002‬‬
‫נושא המחקר באנגלית‪:‬‬
‫‪The Socialization and Indoctrination of Atatürkism in Turkish Education‬‬
‫‪System and the School Textbooks 1980-2002‬‬
‫מוגש ע"י‪:‬‬
‫‪Hay Eytan Cohen Yanarocak‬‬
‫חי איתן כהן ינרוג'ק‬
‫בהנחיית‪:‬‬
‫‪Prof. Ofra Bengio‬‬
‫פרופ‪ .‬עפרה בנג'ו‬
‫הריני מאשר כי ההצעה מקובלת עלי‪:‬‬
‫___________________‬
‫חתימת המנחה‬
Definition of the Subject, Place, Time and its Breadth
This dissertation will analyze the socialization and indoctrination of Atatürkism in the
Turkish education system and school textbooks that were used between the 1980 military coup
d’etat and the 2002 rise of current Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s AKP1. These
textbooks are: Republic of Turkey History of Reforms and Atatürkism (T.C İnkılap Tarihi ve
Atatürkçülük) (Hereinafter: History of Atatürkism), National Security Knowledge (Milli
Güvenlik Bilgisi) (Hereinafter: National Security), Culture of Religion and Morality Knowledge
(Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi) (Hereinafter: Religion Knowledge) and Civics Knowledge
(Vatandaşlık Bilgisi) (Hereinafter: Civics).
The main purpose of this research is to trace and prove the influence of Turkish-Islam
Synthesis on Atatürkism and its indoctrination through the Turkish education system via
socialization and the use of textbooks. In order to properly do so, an evaluation of Atatürkism’s
penetration into and domination of society and the aforementioned textbooks via the seizure of
curriculum and daily practices is paramount. Moreover, the Turkish army’s imprint on school
textbooks and rising militarism within Turkish society will be addressed as well. In this regard,
the army’s indoctrination campaign’s two pillars of militarism and religious education will be
analyzed.
In this context, Italian political theorist Antonio Gramsci’s hegemony concept constitutes
an important theoretical backbone for the dissertation. Gramsci defined the concept of hegemony
as the vehicle whereby the dominant social groups establish a system of “permanent consent”
that legitimates a prevailing social order by encompassing a complex network of mutually re-
1
Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP)
1
enforcing and interwoven ideas affirmed and articulated by intellectuals. 2 Hence, Gramsci
defined school as an organ of the state, thereby an apparatus for domination. Gramsci regarded
education as a battlefield in the struggle for hegemony, classifying schools as weapons and a vital
agency for state formation.3 Therefore, in light of Gramsci’s theories it is not surprising that the
generals of the 1980 coup tried to implement and embed their ideologies through the education
system, schools and the textbooks.
Many studies have been conducted concerning Turkish history textbooks and education
in Turkey. However none of the previous academic works referred to the socialization and
indoctrination of Atatürkism in the Turkish education system through analyzing the necessary
laws and regulations and daily practices as well as the History of Atatürkism, National Security,
Religion Knowledge and Civics textbooks that were used in the 1980 – 2002 period. Therefore,
this dissertation will strive to fill the lacuna of academic study on the Turkish education system
and the four core indoctrinating lessons in Turkey in the stated period.
As far as Turkish textbook research is concerned, the first vital step was taken at Buca,
İzmir in 1994. Many scholars from all over Turkey attended the symposium entitled “Buca
Symposium for History Teaching and Textbooks” that aimed to develop quality textbooks and
history-teaching in Turkey. However this symposium was not sponsored or supported by the
state; instead it was hosted by a non-governmental organization called “Tarih Vakfı” (The
History Foundation).4
The 1980 coup was chosen as the starting point for this study since it marked the
beginning of revolutionary decisions taken by Turkish leaders and their successors to inject Islam
2
Benedetto Fontana, Hegemony and Power (London, University of Minnesota Press, 1993) p.141
Andy Green, Education and State Formation (New York, St. Martin’s Press, 1990) p.99
4
Salih Özbaran, Tarih Öğretimi ve Ders Kitapları,(İstanbul, Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2008) pp. v-vi
3
2
into the core of Turkey’s education system. In light of this view, this dissertation will question
and dispute the settled belief that Islamic elements began seeping into the Turkish education
system only with the arrival of the AKP government. The rise of Erdoğan is an appropriate
ending point for this dissertation since he called his party’s emergence as “the fall of the leading
oligarchy”5 – in other words, the end of the secular elite and the TSK's6 domination of Turkey.
As is common amongst revolutionary national projects, the modern Turkish enterprise has
endured considerable unrest throughout its history. These difficult fluctuations were most notably
manifest in several classic military coups d’état that were carried out by the TSK, i.e. the 1960,
1971 and 1980 coups. The 1960 coup climaxed with the adoption of the 1961 constitution that
strengthened the country’s checks and balances system against the excessive concentration of
power by the executive branch. The rights and liberties granted by the 1961 constitution
facilitated the rise of labor unions and leftist organizations as key actors during the 1970s.7
One decade after the first coup in modern Turkey, the TSK again intervened in Turkish
politics in 1971 in which the executive powers were bolstered at the cost of the legislative
branch. 8 Beginning in 1972, Turkey became fiercely divided between rightists and leftists that led
to mass killings and assassinations in which the death toll reached thousands of people. 9
In this framework the Kurdish re-awakening in Turkey should also be emphasized. With
the transition to multi-party democracy, the Kurds began to engage in politics. However Kurdish
consciousness became increasingly evident only after the enactment of 1960 libertarian
constitution. In the 1960s and 1970s the Kurds began to affiliate themselves with the Turkish
5
Hüseyin Besli and Ömer Özbay, R.Tayyip Erdoğan bir liderin doğuşu (Istanbul, Meydan, 2010) p.285
Turkish Armed Forces (Türk Silahlı Kuvvetleri – TSK)
7
Ahmet Kuyaş (Ed.) and et. al, Tarih 2002 (İstanbul: TÜSİAD, 2002), p.302
8
Ahmet Kuyaş (Ed.) and et. al, Tarih 2002 (İstanbul: TÜSİAD, 2002), p.310
9
Mehmet Ali Birand and et.al, 12 Eylül Türkiye’nin Miladı, (Istanbul, Doğan Kitap 2010) p.8
6
3
left.10 TİP11 (1961) became the new home for the Kurds to deal with social inequalities and the
Kurdish question. 12 Within time, the Kurdish left based its ideology on the need to correct
cultural, political and economic inequality. 13 The first signs of Kurdish self-consciousness was
seen with the establishment of Democratic Party of Turkish Kurdistan in 1965, a branch of the
Kurdistan Democrat Party of Northern Iraq. However the most important leftist Kurdish group
was the Eastern Revolutionary Cultural Hearths (DDKO), 14 founded in 1969. DDKO provided
the nucleus for the PKK15 (1973) leadership that eventually launched its first violent act in
1984.16
Like both leftists and rightists, the TSK perceived the rising Kurdish consciousness as a
threat and another dynamic for the coup. One prominent indication of this apprehension was the
1979 interview of first coup prime minister and the naval forces commander Bülend Ulusu’s
interview where he said, “the East is blowing the communists and the Kurds are in a complete
cooperation there”.17
Due to the increasingly anarchic situation dividing rightist and leftist camps, plus the
rising Kurdish consciousness, the TSK organized a classic takeover in 1980. Designated as "Flag
Operation" (Bayrak Harekatı), its declared objectives were to safeguard the country's unity,
restore order and eliminate the centrifugal, anti-establishment tendencies that threatened to
10
Maya Arakon, “Ayrılıkçı Kürt Hareketinin Tarihsel Dinamiklerine Kısa Bir Bakış”, Alternatif Politika, Vol. 2
Number: 2, October 2010, pp 179-181
11
Türkiye İşçi Partisi – Turkish Workers’ Party - TİP
12 Chris Kutschera, “Mad Dreams of Independence, The Kurds of Turkey and the PKK,” Middle East Report
No:189, The Kurdish Experience, Jul-Aug, 1994, p.13
13
Maya Arakon, “Ayrılıkçı Kürt Hareketinin Tarihsel Dinamiklerine Kısa Bir Bakış”, Alternatif Politika, Vol. 2
Number: 2, October 2010, pp 179-181
14
Devrimci Doğu Kültür Ocakları - DDKO
15
Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan, Kurdistan Workers’ Party – PKK
16
Henri Barkey and Graham Fuller, Turkey’s Kurdish Question, (New York and Oxford, Rowman & Littlefied,
1998) p.15
17
Henri Barkey and Graham Fuller, Turkey’s Kurdish Question, (New York and Oxford, Rowman & Littlefied,
1998) p.16
4
undermine Turkey's fragile democratic system. Its first act upon seizing power was to annul the
Turkish parliament, revoke the immunities of its members, and suspend basic rights and liberties
throughout the country. 18
The coup was carried out by the military's senior leadership, which established the
MGK19. The MGK legitimized its actions by referring to the "Inner Service Law," which defined
the mission of the TSK as guardian of the Republic. Initially, Chief of Staff General Kenan Evren
possessed the jurisdictional powers of the President and Head of the MGK.
In light of the highly fragmented Turkish society, Evren and his new military government
adopted the "National Security Doctrine," which sought to de-politicize Turkish civil life.
Formulated by career military men, the doctrine aimed to infiltrate all spheres of society by
militarizing Turkish culture and its prevailing Atatürkist ideology.20 Changes to school textbooks
and the education system became likely moves, which in hindsight seemed inevitable. In his
radio address, General Evren openly announced that the coup government would take all
necessary precautions within the education system in order to bolster and disseminate
Atatürkism. 21 As a direct consequence of that speech, textbooks were assigned different missions,
all in the effort to glorify the 1980 coup; Civics22, History of Atatürkism23, National Security24
and Religion Knowledge25 were designed according to the National Security Doctrine.
18
Bülent Tanör and Necmi Yüzbaşıoğlu, 1982 Anayasasına göre Türk Anayasa Hukuku, (Istanbul, Beta, 2004) p. 5
National Security Council (Milli Güvenlik Konseyi – MGK)
20
Bülent Tanör and Necmi Yüzbaşıoğlu, 1982 Anayasasına göre Türk Anayasa Hukuku, (Istanbul, Beta, 2004)
pp. 4-12
21
Seyfi Öngider, Son Klasik Darbe, (Istanbul, Aykırı Güncel, 2005) p. 18
22
The Civics textbooks justified the coup by indicating the chaotic situation and inner threats that were posed against
Atatürk’s ideals. Moreover the concepts of “spirit of the constitution” and “nationalism of Atatürk” were also
covered in these textbooks. For More Details: Kemal Dal, Çakıroğlu Orhan and Özyazgan Ali İhsan, Vatandaşlık
Bilgileri, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım Evi, 1986) pp. 100-110
23
The History of Atatürkism textbooks designed to boost Nationalism of Atatürk by focusing on Atatürk’s
personality, the war of independence and Atatürk’s reforms. The textbook reached its end with Atatürk’s death.
Hence there are no references to the 1980 coup. For More Details: Mükerrem Su and Ahmet Mumcu, Türkiye
Cumhuriyeti İnkılap Tarihi, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım Evi, 1984)
19
5
Evren’s speech notwithstanding, Turks are no strangers to militarism. Samiha Ayverdi,
the founder of the Kubbealtı Foundation,26 defined the Turkish nation as "ordu-millet" (armynation) in her book The Issues of National Culture and Our Education Struggle.27 The popular
saying, “Every Turk is born as a soldier” (Her Türk asker doğar), represents striking sociological
evidence of this observation, as most young Turkish males regard their military service as a rite
of passage into manhood.28 Similarly, Tuba Kancı and Ayşe Gül Altınay demonstrate in their
work a militaristic shift in school curriculums in 1926 with the formation of the course “Military
Service Lesson” (later took the name National Security Knowledge). During the course of their
analysis, the TSK General Staff’s sole responsibility over learning material was also
emphasized.29
In fact, in her book The Myth of the Military-Nation, Altınay takes the argument one step
further by positing that the course has not changed significantly since 1926. The Ministry of
National Defense and National Education were compelled to coordinate the textbook writing
process with the General Staff, which was averse to changes. Altınay indicates that only after
1980 did the TSK grant the Ministry of National Education the right to “examine” the books and
24
The National Security books were used as an instrument to create an army-nation. While providing the basics of
Atatürkism these textbooks included very comprehensive knowledge about armies, ranks, Turkish military history,
the importance of army service and lastly an analysis about external threats against Turkey. For More Details: Milli
Güvenlik Bilgisi 2-3, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım Evi, 1983)
25
Religion Knowledge school textbooks were used to teach Atatürkism in the framework of religion. Islam’s
compatibility with Atatürkism is expressly highlighted in the section called “Laiklik ve İslamiyet” (Secularism and
Islam) For more details: Ethem Ruhi Fığlalı, Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi 3, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım Evi,
1997) pp.50-67
26
Kubbealtı Vakfı (Under Dome Foundation) aided the adoption of Turkish-Islam Synthesis by the Turkish state and
public. Samiha Ayverdi was the most important figure among the founders of Kubbealtı. Ayverdi was also known
among the disciples of Rifai Religious Order.
27
Samiha Ayverdi, Milli Kültür Mes'eleleri ve Maarif Davamız,(Istanbul, Kubbealtı Neşriyatı, 2006) p.65
28
Gareth Jenkins, “Power and unaccountability in Turkish security forces”, Conflict, Security & Development,
Routledge, 1:01, November 24,2006, p.84
29
Tuba Kancı and Ayşe Gül Altınay, “Educating Little Soliders and Little Ayşes: Militarised and Gendered
Citizenship in Turkish Textbooks”, in Marie Carlson and et.al (eds.), Education in “Multicultural Socities” – Turkish
and Swedish Perspectives (Stockholm, Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul, 2007) vol.18, p.59
6
make “suggestions.”30 Consequently, the TSK was able to extend the army’s hierarchal and
authoritarian infrastructure into Turkish schools through the National Security course. Having
established the TSK’s active involvement in Turkish education, Kancı and Altınay thus
emphasized the deep connection between citizenship and military service in modern Turkish
society. 31
National Security textbooks define military service as the highest national duty a citizen
can fulfill, lending further credence to Kancı and Altınay’s view on the citizenship-army service
relationship. The textbook states that whoever does not fulfill this obligation can never achieve
full self-actualization, nor does he realize his potential for his family and ultimately his
homeland. 32 It further stresses the unique bond between army and nation by stating that no
country embraces its army as Turkey embraces the TSK.33 Even religion textbooks promoted
aspects of militarization. For instance, defense of the homeland was described as a holy duty,
praising martyrdom and the immortal memory of martyrs.34
General history books also covered the coup and its aftermath. One such example is
William Hale's analysis of the coup from a TSK perspective, where he examined army-political
relations of the period in the framework of the TSK’s reputation as guardian of the regime. 35
Ersin Kalaycıoğlu contributed similar research via his study of power politics as well as the
infrastructure and constitution of post-coup Turkish politics. However, his most important
30
Ayşe Gül Altınay, The Myth of the Military Nation (New York, Palgrave, 2004) pp.124-125
Tuba Kancı and Ayşe Gül Altınay, “Educating Little Soliders and Little Ayşes: Militarised and Gendered
Citizenship in Turkish Textbooks”, in Marie Carlson and et.al (eds.), Education in “Multicultural Socities” – Turkish
and Swedish Perspectives (Stockholm, Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul, 2007) vol.18, pp.57-62
32
Milli Güvenlik Bilgisi 2-3, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım Evi, 1983), p.79
33
Milli Güvenlik Bilgisi 2-3, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım Evi, 1983), p. 107
34
Ethem Ruhi Fığlalı, Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi, (Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1982) pp.100-102
35
William Hale “Transition to Civilian governments in Turkey: The Military Perspective” in Metin Heper and
Ahmet Evin (eds.) State Democracy and the Military, (Berlin and New York, de Gruyter, 1988)pp. 159-175
31
7
scholarly contribution was naming this period the “third republic.”36 Similarly, in his book
Türkiye’nin Yakın Tarihi,37 İlber Ortaylı measured the impact the coup had on Turkish society
though he claimed the coup was welcomed by the majority of the Turkish public. 38 Contrary to
Ortaylı and Hale, Cemal Fedayi adopted a critical stance towards the coup in light of the
bloodletting and the chaotic political and social environment in Turkey.39
As far as the 1980 coup is concerned, an important terminological shift occurred when
Turkish generals leading the coup began adopting the term "Atatürkism" in order to clearly
differentiate the TSK’s state Kemalism from the CHP’s40 leftist Kemalism. The CHP's adoption
of social welfare policies, alongside a self-identification as “left of center” during the 1960s
created a leftist reputation for the party and what constituted the line in the sand standing in
between the army’s Kemalism. 41
In this regard I argue that this terminological shift symbolizes a drastic metamorphosis in
interpreting Atatürk’s ideals. Following the 1980 coup, the generals replaced traditional
Kemalism of rigid secularism and marginalized Islam in state affairs with Atatürkism that sought
to reconcile Islam with the state and as the “glue” to unite the nation. Alongside the embrace of
Islam, Atatürkism differed from traditional Kemalism with an excessive focus on Atatürk’s
personality instead of his ideals. This phenomenon is evident in post-coup school textbooks.
Kemalism emerged as the founding ideology of the 1920 revolution, which through
radical reforms established the secular nation-state that became modern Turkey.
36
Ersin Kalaycıoğlu, Turkish Dynamics, (New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2005) pp.125-166
Recent History of Turkey
38
İlber Ortaylı, Türkiye'nin Yakın Tarihi (Istanbul, Timaş, 2010) pp. 128-135
39
Cemal Fedayi, "Türkiye'nin Siyasal ve Sosyal Kaos Dönemi" in Adem Çaylak and et. al., (eds.), Osmanlı’dan
İkibinli Yıllara Türkiye’nin Politik Tarihi, (Ankara, Savaş Yayınevi, 2009) p. 512
40
Republican People's Party - Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi – CHP
41
Suna Kili, Kemalism,(Istanbul, Menteş Matbaası,1969) p.187
37
8
Certainly Atatürk’s six main principles, symbolically represented as the six-arrows (altı
ok) in his CHP logo – Republicanism, Nationalism, Populism, Etatism, Secularism and
Revolution – constitute the fundamentals of Kemalism. This concept is based on three significant
pillars – unity, authority and equality – designed to create a strong state and a modern selfcontent society. 42
According to Suna Kili, a prominent Turkish academic on the history of Atatürk and his
revolution, the term “Atatürkçülük” (Atatürkism) became synonymous with Kemalism after the
adoption of the Surname Law43 in 1934. 44 Contrary to Kili, Ettienne Copeaux argued in his book
De l'Adriatique a la mer de Chine that the term Atatürkism replaced Kemalism right after the
1980 coup. According to Copeaux, Atatürkism emphasizes more on Atatürk’s personality and
image rather than on his ideology. In other words, Atatürkism is only a hollow version of
Kemalism. 45
In fact, and in stark contradiction to Kili, “Atatürkist thought” (Atatürkçü Düşünce)
initially emerged as an official term in Article 134 of the post-coup 1982 constitution. This
provision established the High Institute of Atatürk Culture, Language and History whose main
purpose was to promote Atatürkism. Similarly, Turkish academicians Berna Turam46 and Nilüfer
Göle47 acknowledged the difference between Atatürkism and Kemalism. In their eyes, Kemalists
accepted Atatürk’s principles as dogma while Atatürkists tended to have more fluid, adaptive
42
Suna Kili, Atatürk Devrimi, (Istanbul, Türkiye İş Bankası Yayınları, 2008) pp. 180-219
The Surname Law of 1934 made the usage of surnames compulsory for all Turkish citizens who used their fathers’
name or a different secondary name instead of surnames.
44
Suna Kili, Kemalism,(Istanbul, Menteş Matbaası,1969) p.3
45
Etienne Copeaux, Tarih Ders Kitaplarında (1931-1993) Türk Tarih Tezinden Türk-İslam Sentezine (De
l’Adriatique a la mer de Chine) (Istanbul, İletişim Yayınları, 2006) p.89
46
Berna Turam, Between Islam and the State,(Stanford, Stanford University Press,2007) pp.144-146
47
Nilüfer Göle, Melez Desenler, (Istanbul, Metis Yayınları, 2011) pp.15-18
43
9
understandings of these principles. In her book Melez Desenler,48 Göle demonstrates the shift
away from Kemalism towards Atatürkism in Turkish society after 1980. She argued that post1980 Kemalism (i.e. Atatürkism) began to disassociate with 1960-1970 leftist breed of
Kemalism. Her views strike a similar chord to Copeaux’s previously mentioned argument of
Atatürkism’s emphasis on Atatürk the personality instead of his ideals. For example, Göle
pointed out the emergence of a new Atatürkist market with its pins, pictures, flags and poems. As
a result, the masses began to adopt this new version of Atatürkism, leaving behind its elitist
remnants. Incidentally, the role of Atatürkist Thought Clubs49 in Atatürkism’s socialization
should also be noted.50 As Atatürkism influence increasingly and rapidly penetrated the masses,
Kemalism’s rigid laicism and other core principles waned as a result. This radical shift marks
Kemalism’s metamorphosis into Atatürkism. 51 In other words, ideology-based Kemalism was
replaced with leader-centric Atatürkism that laid the framework for a co-existence between Islam
and the state.
Despite the differences between Kemalism and Atatürkism, both ideologies center their
education systems on Atatürk. The student oath, “Our Oath” (Andımız) (1933), written by
former Minister of National Education Reşit Galip to please Atatürk, remained in effect even
after the coup. Hence Turkish primary school students (Class 1-8) recited “Our Oath” each
morning under supervision of their teachers before they go to their classrooms
“I am a Turk, I am trustworthy, I am hard working. My first principle: it is to defend my minors and to
respect my elders, and to love my fatherland and my nation more than myself. My goal: it is to rise and to
progress. O Atatürk the great! I swear that I will enduringly walk through the path you opened and to the
48
Hybrid Patterns
Atatürkçü Düşünce Dernekleri
50
Nilüfer Göle, Melez Desenler, (Istanbul, Metis Yayınları, 2011) pp.15-16
51
Berna Turam, Between Islam and the State,(Stanford, Stanford University Press,2007) pp.144
49
10
target you showed. May my personal being be sacrificed to the being of the Turkish nation. How happy is
the one who says I am a Turk.”52
Further evidence of the centrality of Atatürk to the coup is manifest in an amendment to
the 1973 National Education Basic Law. After the 1980 military coup the concept of
“Nationalism of Atatürk”, mentioned in the 1982 constitution, was added to this law as its second
article. The law states that Turkish national education falls under the guidelines of Atatürk’s
reforms and principles. Moreover, Article 10 of the same law states that its curriculum and all
lessons must be based on Atatürk's conceptualization of Nationalism. Article 11 strictly prohibits
any action against such nationalism. 53
The Atatürkist education agenda was also above political dispute. Irrespective of
ideological differences between Turkish political parties of the post-coup period, whether
religious or secular, parties never countered official educational policies for the benefit of their
own political considerations.54 Given the nature of the TSK's absolute control over the Turkish
education system, the political ramifications of contesting education policies seem obvious.
Although the cult of Atatürk’s personality and ideals took center stage after the coup, the
division between Kemalism and Atatürkism led to the restructuring of Atatürkism with “TurkishIslam Synthesis” - an ideology that was seemingly at odds with its traditional secular Kemalism.
Metin Heper and Nur Bilge Criss defined Turkish-Islam Synthesis in their Historical
Dictionary of Turkey as “a thesis combining two traditional part of Turkish right- Islamism and
Turkism as the basic elements of national culture.” It should be noted that Heper and Criss
favored the adoption of Turkish-Islam Synthesis as official state ideology after the 1980 coup to
52
Ahmet T. Kuru, Secularism and State Policies Toward Religion The US, France and Turkey, (New York,
Cambridge University Press, 2009) p.166
53
Abdullah Açıkgöz and et.al, Milli Eğitim Mevzuatı, (Ankara, Nobel Yayın, 2001) pp.58-61
54
İsmail Kaplan, Türkiye’de Milli Eğitim İdeolojisi (İstanbul, İletişim, 2011) p.393
11
re-establish social order.55 The new “National Culture” of the synthesis sought to combine
Kemalism, Nationalism and Islam. 56 This new ideology internalized its principles - order,
obedience and deference to tradition - as sine qua non concepts.57 Mehmet Ali Birand also
highlights this phenomenon by declaring Islam as the “cement” of the 1980 coup.58 The emphasis
on “cement” and the co-existence of Atatürkism and Islam could also be seen in the program of
the TSK supervised post-coup government led by Mesut Yılmaz59 and the Civics books that were
published after the coup.60
In light of this, I argue that the essence of Atatürkism is far different from Kemalism.
Moreover, I posit that the adoption of Atatürkism as the official nationalism was used as a fig
leaf, sheltering Turkish-Islam Synthesis dominated education policies that sought to design
Turkish society on the three-pronged value system of “barracks, mosque and family.”61 In this
regard, my argument is also compatible with Turkish constitution experts Bülent Tanör and
Necmi Yüzbaşıoğlu, who argue that Turkish-Islam Synthesis ideals were glorified in the name of
Atatürkism. 62 To this point, Kemal Karpat’s claim that religious-nationalists groups’ attempted
55
Metin Heper and Nur Bilge Criss, Historical Dictionary of Turkey (Toronto, The Scarecrow Press, 2009) pp.315316
56
Ünal Bilir, “Turkey-Islam: Recipe for Success or hindrance to the integration of Turkish Diaspora Community in
Germany?”, Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, 24:2, pp.262-263
57
Binnaz Toprak, “Religion and Politics” in Metin Heper and Sabri Sayan (Eds.) The Routledge Handbook of
Modern Turkey (London and New York, Routledge, 2012) p.220
58
Mehmet Ali Birand and et.al, 12 Eylül Türkiye’nin Miladı, (Istanbul, Doğan Kitap 2010) p.45
59
I.Yılmaz Hükümeti Programı, http://www.tbmm.gov.tr/hukumetler/HP48.htm [Accessed in: January 14, 2014]
60
Füstun Üstel, Makbul Vatandaşın Peşinde, (Istanbul, İletişim, 2011) pp. 289-290
61
Ali Çarkoğlu and Barry Rubin, Religion and Politics in Turkey (New York, Routledge, 2006) p.37
62
Bülent Tanör and Necmi Yüzbaşıoğlu, 1982 Anayasasına göre Türk Anayasa Hukuku, (Istanbul, Beta, 2004)
pp.32-33
12
to glorify Atatürk through religion during the coup period should also be emphasized. 63 This
phenomenon was also apparent in post-coup Religion Knowledge textbooks.64
Turkishness’ essence is made up of three important pillars – Turkishness, Islam and
Modernism. These three concepts have emerged in various forms and degrees throughout Turkish
political history. The ideological father of Turkish nationalism, Ziya Gökalp, who wrote the
famous article, “Turkification, Islamization and Modernization” (1918) also regarded this trinity
as a sine qua non for education and Turkish nationalism. 65 Similarly, Yusuf Akçura, a leading
Turkish nationalist ideologue, wrote the well-known article “Üç Tarz-ı Siyaset,”66 which also
underlines Islam’s importance in uniting the Turkish nation.67
Sunnah’s role should also not be underestimated in Turkish nationalism’s definition.
Throughout history, Sunni Muslims were the dominant element of the Ottoman Empire. 68 The
same can also be said of its successor, the Turkish Republic. In the 1920’s -despite Islam’s
presence in the constitution, Sunnah’s influence and the views of Gökalp, and Akçura - Kemalists
chose to marginalize the role of Islam in defining Turkishness’ in favor of modernity and
Turkism69. Article 88 of the 1924 Constitution can be seen as concrete evidence of this since it
did not define a “Turk” on the basis of religion and race. However, Civics textbooks of the time
were written by historian Afet İnan - who later assumed the task of indoctrinating the Turkish
63
Kemal Karpat “Military Interventions: Army-Civilian Relations in Turkey Before and After 1980” in Metin Heper
and Ahmet Evin, State Democracy and the Military (Berlin and New York, Walter de Gruyter, 1988) p.153
64
For More Details: Mehmet Aydın, Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi III, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basımevi, 1995)
pp.92-93
65
Ziya Gökalp, Türkleşmek İslamlaşmak Muasırlaşmak, (Istanbul, Toker, 2007) p.48
66
Three Types of Politics
67
Yusuf Akçura, “Üç Tarz-ı Siyaset”, (Ankara, Kilit Yayınları, 2011) p.38
68
Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, (New York, Oxford University Press, 2003) p.38
69
Tanıl Bora and Kemal Can, Devlet Ocak Dergah, (Istanbul, İletişim Yayınları, 2009) p.160
13
History Thesis70 – defined the Turkish nation on racial and religious grounds, which completely
contradicted the official definition. Certainly, İnan’s definition led to alienation of non-ethnic
Turkish citizens, such as Kurds, Alevis etc.71 Another such instance of alienation towards nonSunni citizens was the establishment of Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) in 1924 that
acted only in favor of Sunni Muslims. 72
Due to the marginalization of Islam by Kemalism, Turkish-Islam Synthesis ideologues
sought to reconcile Islam with Turkism and modernity. However in this new formation modernity
served as an auxiliary, but not core, principle. 73 Thus it follows that Turkishness and Islam are
not mutually exclusive as Turkishness would be meaningless without Islam. 74 Accordingly
Turkishness and Islam became inseparable identities from each other. Subsequently, this formed
the back bone of Turkish-Islam Synthesis and can be traced in a well manifested motto found as
early as the first edition (April 1947) of the Turkish nationalist journal, Serdengeçti: We are
Turks as Tanrı Mountains (Tian Shan - referring to central Asian heritage of Turks) and Muslims
as Hira Mountains (Jabel Al-Nur)75
Besides the army, there were other active actors in shaping Turkish educational life; the
Intellectuals’ Hearth and the Fethullah Gülen Movement. The “Intellectuals’ Hearth” (Aydınlar
70
Despite Kemalism’s cultural nationalism and non-aggressive, egalitarian nature in international relations,
Kemalism sought to prove Turkish superiority over all nations. Atatürk formally assigned historian Afet İnan to
indoctrinate the Turkish History Thesis. The theory propounded that Turks were from the white Aryan race,
emigrants from Central Asia who escaped severe droughts in the region. Certainly the most striking claim of the
thesis was its reflection of Turks as first pioneers of civilization. The Turks were praised for forming Chinese, Indian
and Middle Eastern civilizations. Moreover Sumerians and Hittites were named as Turkic groups. The main
objective of the thesis was restoring Turkish national pride that was harshly damaged in past centuries under the
ancien régime. For More Details: Bernard Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey, (London et.al, Oxford
University Press, 1961) p.353
71
Füstun Üstel, Makbul Vatandaşın Peşinde, (Istanbul, İletişim, 2011) pp.
72
Hamit Bozarslan, Türkiye’nin Modern Tarihi (Istanbul, Avesta, 2004) pp.56-57
73
Muharrem Ergin, Türkiye’nin Bugünkü Meseleleri, (Ankara, Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü, 1988) p.385
74
Etienne Copeaux, Tarih Ders Kitaplarında (1931-1993) Türk Tarih Tezinden Türk-İslam Sentezine (De
l’Adriatique a la mer de Chine) (Istanbul, İletişim Yayınları, 2006) p.82
75
Beşir Ayvazoğlu, Tanrı Dağı’ndan Hira Dağı’na (Istanbul, Kapı, 2010) p.129
14
Ocağı), the champion of Turkish-Islam Synthesis, was formed by Ibrahim Kafesoğlu, Muharrem
Ergin, the Hearth’s ideology’s theorist, and a group of scholars from the Faculty of Humanities at
Istanbul University on May 14, 1970.76 The Hearth was an elitist organization as its members
were strictly products of Turkish academia, journalism and politics. 77 The Intellectuals who
played an active role in the Hearth were expected to solve the problems plaguing Turkey as well
as raise loyal generations of Turkish nationals by spreading its ideals in a nationalist framework.
78
The Hearth’s main aim was to unite the Turkish right and end the de-fragmentation in the face
of the emerging Communist threat. Galvanized by the threat of a common Communist enemy,
Nationalists, conservative Islamists and Pan-Islamists all gathered under one political umbrella as
a result.79 Despite a TSK ban on proposing constitution drafts, the Hearth did not hesitate to
submit a right wing draft, which received support from coup leaders. The Hearth's draft was
approved and 75-80% of it was implemented in the 1982 Constitution. 80 Consequently, the
Hearth made their mark on Turkish political history by providing the intellectual and ideological
backbone of the 1980 coup.
The atmosphere and momentum generated by Turkish-Islam Synthesis spurred the
emergence of another pro-religion actor in the educational sphere. The Fethullah Gülen81
76
Sam Kaplan, The Pedagogical State, (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 2006) p.76
Sema Basmacı, Aydınlar Ocağı ve Türk-İslam Sentezi: 1980’lerden 2000’li Yıllara Devreden MilliyetçiMuhafazakar Bakiye, M.A Thesis., Hacettepe University, 2009, YÖK Tez Merkezi, Accessed in: 19 March 2013
78
“Amacımız”, the official web page of Intellectuals’ Hearth, http://aydinlarocagi.org/ornek-sayfa/#.UcwhvDumZIE
(Accessed in: June 27, 2013)
79
Fatma Yurttaş Özcan, Bir Aydın Hareketi Olarak Aydınlar Ocağı ve Türk Siyasetine Etkileri, Doctoral diss.,
Sakarya Üniversitesi, 2011, p. 84
80
Tanıl Bora and Kemal Can, Devlet Ocak Dergah, (Istanbul, İletişim Yayınları, 2009) p.156
81
Fethullah Gülen is an authoritative mainstream Turkish Muslim scholar, thinker, author, poet, opinion leader and
educational activist who supports interfaith and intercultural dialogue, science, democracy and spirituality and
opposes violence and turning religion into a political ideology. He is the founder of the Gülen Movement. For More
Details: http://en.fgulen.com/ (Accessed in: July 03, 2013)
77
15
Movement, a subgroup of Said-i Nursi’s82 Nurcu Movement’s83, emerged as an important grass
roots movement in the 1980s. Gülen's movement regarded education as a tool to reverse the
decline of Islam84 and sought to return Islam to the heart of public life,85 Similar to Turkish-Islam
Synthesis, Gülen regarded the Ottomans who lived in accordance with a liberal interpretation of
Islam as the ultimate role models for the Turkish nation. 86 Therefore, Turkish-Islam Synthesis
was considered as a suitable educational ideology for Gülen.87 In order to strengthen his position
post-coup, Gülen did not hesitate to give his blessing to the 1982 coup d’etat constitution. 88
Moreover, Gülen managed to form a close relationship with the post-coup Turgut Özal
government (1983-1989). The wave of privatization that Özal introduce to Turkey was also felt in
the educational sphere as private schools began to be established. 89 Hence Gülen opened
numerous private schools, dormitories and private teaching institutions (dershane) as separate
bodies to provide religious education that secular state schools did not.90 These institutions
emerged as "auxiliary" secondary Islamic education centers. Through them Gülen aimed to
nurture his “golden generation” destined to reclaim the glory of Ottoman-Islamic past though
82
Said-i Nursi, commonly known as Bediüzzaman (wonder of the age), was a theologician of Kurdish-Sunni origin.
(1878-1960)
83
Nurcu Movement is one of the most important religious based social movements in Turkey. Their tenets are
shaped by Said-i Nursi’s famous Islamic exegesis; Risale-i Nur Külliyatı (RNK). Due to Said-i Nursi’s rising
religious activity, the government exiled him to Isparta. There he proceeded to write the majority of his RNK. Since
all his works were banned by the government, his works were written by volunteers and then distributed by “postmen
of RNK”. For More Details: pp.151-178
84
M. Hakan Yavuz and John L. Esposito, Turkish Islam and the Secular State, (New York, Syracuse University
Press, 2003) pp. 48-50
85
M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2003) p. 182
86
M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2003) p.182
87
M. Hakan Yavuz and John L. Esposito, Turkish Islam and the Secular State, (New York, Syracuse University
Press, 2003) p.55
88
M. Hakan Yavuz, “Print Based Islamic Discourse and Modernity: The Nur Movement”, Third International
Symposium on Bediuzzaman Said Nursi, 24-26 Sep 1995 Istanbul. Lecture.
89
M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2003) p.183
90
M. Hakan Yavuz and John L. Esposito, Turkish Islam and the Secular State, (New York, Syracuse University
Press, 2003) pp.53-55
16
never turning its back on modernity. 91 Despite his lack of involvement in the composition of
official curriculum, Gülen's influence was felt in after-school activities. Indeed many Kemalists
accused the Gülen movement and its educational institutions of Islamizing society and attempting
to state takeover by integrating the “golden generation” into Islamized state institutions. 92
Despite its adherence to Atatürk’s ideals, the 1980 coup did deviate from the Western,
positivist, Jacobin tradition of 1920's Turkey. Instead, the coup catalyzed a new, non-elitist state
based on a Turkish-Islamic blend of society.93 This new environment paved the way for
Necmettin Erbakan’s, leader of the Islamist Welfare Party's (Refah Partisi-RP), rise to power in a
coalition government with the secular True Path Party (Doğru Yol Partisi-DYP) of Tansu Çiller
on June 18th 1996.
This event marked a seismic shift within the TSK. Erbakan’s seizure of the prime
minister’s office was acknowledged as Turkish-Islam Synthesis’ “backfire” to the system.
Erbakan’s Islamist domestic and foreign policies exceeded the TSK's threshold. In response,
army tanks began marching in Ankara’s Sincan district on February 4th 1997. Deputy Chief of
Staff General Çevik Bir described the event as a “fine tuning to democracy.”94
In addition, on February 28th 1997, the TSK forced Erbakan to comply with secularist,
anti-Islamist MGK95 decisions forcing religious orders (such as Gülen) that run dormitories and
independent Quran classes96 to operate under the auspices of the Ministry of National Education.
91
M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2003) p.193
M. Hakan Yavuz, Toward an Islamic Enlightenment The Gülen Movement, (Oxford, Oxford University Press,
2013) pp.95-97
93
Nilüfer Göle, Melez Desenler, (Istanbul, Metis 2011) p.43
94
Mehmet Ali Birand and Reyhan Yıldız, Son Darbe 28 Şubat, (Istanbul, Doğan Kitap, 2012) pp.198- 201
95
National Security Council (Milli Güvenlik Kurulu – MGK)
96
Quran classes are courses that are designed to teach children to read and learn the verses of Quran by heart. The
law named Organization of Education that was enacted in 1926 allowed Quran courses to accept students above of
the age 12. Therefore Quran courses were acknowled as a school for specialists and were no longer recognized as a
92
17
Furthermore the reform to “increase mandatory high schools years” from five to eight was
designed to hinder the influence of Imam Hatip97 vocational high-schools on society.98
The Scholarly Discourse
The Emergence of Education - State - Textbook Trilogy
The formation of European national education systems marks the beginning of schooling
on a mass scale within nation states. With the adoption of national education systems, states
began using “schools” as instruments to create the “ideal citizen.” The influence of national
education permeated every segment of society. First attempts to create a national education
system and mass schooling were pioneered by monarchs of central Europe such as Frederick V in
Denmark (1753), Frederick the Great in Prussia (1763) Maria Theresa in Austria (1775), and
Napoleon Bonaparte in France (1802).99
As far as Turkish educational history is concerned, the Ottoman experience with
textbooks and education cannot be ignored nor marginalized. Ahmet Vefik Paşa's Fezleke-i
Tarihi Osmani100 (1869) became the first Ottoman history textbook under the reign of Sultan
Abdülaziz (1861-1876). The common denominator of those history textbooks was the increasing
tendency towards a state-centered understanding of history.101 Avner Wishnitzer’s study on
regular school. Hence they became independent. For More Details: Mustafa Çağrıcı “Kuran Kursu” in Türkiye
Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi, (Ankara: Diyanet Vakfı Yayınları, 2002) volume: 26, pp.423-426
97
Imam-Hatip schools are public vocational Islamic high schools, which were designed to raise knowledgeable
students in Islamic studies who were later expected to occupy religious posts such as imam or Koran instructor for
the benefit of the nation. For more details: Yıldız Atasoy, “Cosmopolitan Islamists in Turkey: Rethinking the local in
global
era,”
Center
for
Global
Political
Economy,
Simon
Fraser
University,
http://www.sfu.ca/cgpe/pubs/Cosmopolitan%20Islamists%20in%20Turkey-WP.pdf (Accessed: 6 Feb 2013)
98
Nazlı Ilıcak, Demokrasiye İnce Ayar, (Istanbul, Doğan Kitap, 2013) pp.114-117
99
Andy Green, Education and State Formation (New York, St. Martin’s Press, 1990) p.1
100
Summary of Ottoman History
101
Selçuk Akşin Somel, The Modernization of public education in the Ottoman Empire 1839-1908 (Leiden,
Koninklijke, 2001) pp. 194-195
18
Ottoman schools echoes a similar stance. His study focused on the education policies of
Abdülhamit II (1876-1909) and the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) (1909-1918).102
When speaking about the state, the interdependent relationship between education and the
textbook evokes suspicion of indoctrination. The word indoctrination derives from the Latin
words “docere” (to teach) and “doctrina” (what is taught); indoctrination literally means the
imparting of what is taught.103 In his book, To Change a Nation, Franklin W. Houn defines
indoctrination as implanting ethical norms and behavior patterns of a certain social and political
culture in the minds of the people through schools, religious institutions, etc. Houn is keen to
emphasize the difference between indoctrination and propaganda; propaganda is carried out by
mass media while indoctrination occurs only through social institutions.104 Contrary to Houn,
Charlene Tan argues in her book, Islamic Education and Indoctrination, that there is no
consensus among scholars about the definition of indoctrination since some suggest it is a
synonym of brainwashing while others describe it as an apparatus of coercive totalitarian
states.105
With the establishment of modern Turkey, indoctrination became a core issue in the lives
of Turkish people. The Tevhid-i Tedrisat, (The Unification of Education) (1924) law, which
placed each educational institution under the Ministry of National Education, served as the
primary apparatus for indoctrination. Turkish governments utilized this law in order to inculcate
future generations to achieve their “ideal citizen.” Therefore regulations, ceremonies and
102
Avner Wishnitzer, “Teaching Time: Schools, Schedules and the Ottoman Pursuit of Progress”, New Perspectives
on Turkey, No:43, 2010, pp.5-32
103
Charlene Tan, Islamic Education and Indoctrination, (New York & London, Routledge, 2011) pp. 2-3
104
Franklin W. Houn, To Change a Nation, (New York, The Free Press of Glencoe, 1961) p.3
105
Charlene Tan, Islamic Education and Indoctrination, (New York & London, Routledge, 2011) p 3
19
textbooks, which were designed to reflect state ideology, were the tools implemented to shape
society.
Hanna Schissler of the Georg Eckert Institute for International Textbook Research defines
history textbooks as a source of collective memory, or zeitgeist, and thus an “autobiography” of a
nation. She even went as far to call history textbooks “weapons of mass instruction.”106
Wishnitzer supported Schissler’s views by arguing that Ottoman textbooks were designed
according to authoritarian and positive utilitarian moral values such as punctuality, cleanliness,
neatness, and efficiency in order to produce the submissive Ottoman subject.107
Regarding the essence of textbooks, Eyal Naveh emphasized in his lecture “Writing
Multi-national History Textbooks as a Challenge to National Education Systems” that textbooks
adopt a linear structure while their usage is selective concerning past historical events. Naveh
went on to state that textbooks are constructed on three important pillars. First is the ability to
answer “yes or no” questions. Second, are the values the textbooks imbue, guiding student
assessments of “good” and “bad.” The last pillar is power politics. 108
The Literature on Textbook Studies and Education systems
Textbook researchers tend to use two different methods to conduct their studies – didactic
analysis109 and content analysis. In his book, Curriculum Action Research, James McKernan
defines content analysis as a method of uncovering hidden themes, concepts and indicators of the
106
Hanna Schissler, “Navigating a Globalizing World: Thoughts on Textbook Analysis, Teaching and Learning”,
Journal of Educational Media, Memory and Society, Vol.1, Issue.1, Spring 2009, pp. 203-207
107
Avner Wishnitzer, “Teaching Time: Schools, Schedules and the Ottoman Pursuit of Progress”, New Perspectives
on Turkey, No:43, 2010, pp.5-32
108
Eyal Naveh, ‫“( כתיבת ספרי לימוד רב לאומיים בהיסטוריה כאתגר למערכות חינוך לאומיות‬Writing Multi-national History
Textbooks as a challenge to national education systems”), Sourasky Central Library – Tel Aviv University, 17 Jan
2013 Tel Aviv. Lecture.
109
Didactic Analysis examines the methodological approach – it explores the pedagogy behind the text. For More
Details: Falk Pingel, UNESCO Guidebook on Textbook Research and Textbook Revision, (Paris & Braunschweig,
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 2009) p 31
20
message by inquiring its deep meaning and structure. In a curriculum study that she carried out in
Ireland, Mulyran identified the three main indicators for content analysis of textbooks as
vocabulary, numerals and pictorial symbols.110 In this dissertation, Turkish school textbooks will
be analyzed according to the content analysis method.
There are many articles and books that deal with education and textbook studies in
general. For instance, Falk Pingel’s UNESCO Guidebook on Textbook Research and Textbook
Revision provides the history of textbook studies, while simultaneously orientates the researcher
on how to properly approach the study.111 A similar academic work by Hanna Schissler entitled,
“Navigating a Globalizing World: Thoughts on Textbook Analysis, Teaching and Learning”
defines textbooks, their usages and their roles in nation-states.112
Contrary to the aforementioned works, Elie Podeh’s The Arab-Israeli Conflict in Israeli
History Textbooks 1948-2000 constitutes an example of the content analysis research method. In
his book, Podeh examines the Israeli educational system by using case studies. Each case study
was used to show different historical events in different historical perspectives.113 Jazira Asanova
produced similar work on Kazakh textbooks.114 David Menashri’s M.A thesis Educational
Reforms within the Framework of the White Revolution in Iran is another academic study that
examines the governmental educational system and reforms that took place in 1963 Iran.
110
James McKernan, Curriculum Action Research, (London, Kogan Page, 2000) pp.145-147
Falk Pingel, UNESCO Guidebook on Textbook Research and Textbook Revision, (Paris & Braunschweig, United
Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 2009) pp.7-79
112
Hanna Schissler, “Navigating a Globalizing World: Thoughts on Textbook Analysis, Teaching and Learning”,
Journal of Educational Media, Memory and Society, Vol.1, Issue.1, Spring 2009, 2003, pp.203-226
113
In his book, Podeh examined Israeli textbooks by dividing them into three different categories of “Childhood”
(referring to hostility), “Adolescence” (referring to introspection) and “Adulthood” (referring to reconciliation with
Arabs). Podeh argues that the Israeli national consciousness based on anti-Arab nationalistic views weaken when
textbooks enter the “reconciliation” period. For More Details: Elie Podeh, The Arab-Israeli Conflict in Israeli History
Textbooks 1948-2000, (London & Connecticut, Bergin& Garvey, 2002) pp.1-177
114
Asanova compared different literature textbooks from the Soviet and post-Soviet eras. Moreover she analyzed the
Kazakh educational system and policies and their effects on Kazakh school textbooks. For More Details: Jazira
Asanova, “Teaching the canon? Nation-building and post-Soviet Kazakhstan’s literature textbooks”, Compare: A
Journal of Comparative and International Education, 37:3, 2007, pp. 325-343
111
21
Menashri evaluated education’s place and shortcomings in Iran, traced the reforms enacted upon
the national education system and delineated the precautions that can hinder a brain-drain from
Iran.
In a similar vein, education and textbook research was also core to Turkish studies. There
are many important academic studies that investigated the issue of education and textbooks in
Turkey. For instance, Sam Kaplan’s The Pedagogical State115 examines Turkish interest groups
and education policy agendas. Another such example is Ayşe Gül Altınay’s The Myth of the
Military Nation,116 in which she addressed the militarization of Turkish society through education
and conscription. For a broader look at Turkish educational history, Ali Türer’s Türk Eğitim
Tarihi (Turkish Educational History) is worth examining. Beginning from the Seljuks through the
Ottomans and until modern Turkey, Türer follows the evolution of Turkish education, while
providing a theoretical infrastructure and significant insight into curriculum/textbook shifts.117 As
far as ideological roots of the Turkish education are concerned, İsmail Kaplan's Türkiye'de Milli
Eğitim İdeolojisi (National Education Ideology in Turkey) provides a comprehensive analysis
about Turkish political parties and their education policies, plus the main trends of non-partisan
state education policies. The Religion Knowledge course and its impact on the Turkish education
system is another subject of import. Özlem Altan’s article “Turkey: Sanctifying a Secular state”
in Doumato and Starett’s Teaching Islam provides a cogent analysis on secular Turkey and
school textbooks on religion. In her article, Altan emphasizes the state’s clout on religion
115
In his book, The Pedagogical State, Sam Kaplan examines the influence of interest groups such as the military,
the religious sector and neoliberals on the Turkish educational system. However his work does not concentrate on
specific textbooks, instead dealing with the education system in general. For More Details: Sam Kaplan, The
Pedagogical State (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 2006) pp.1-227
116
In her book, Altınay posits that through education children are “normalized” to think in military terms and how
they are led to think that conscription is another station of male adulthood. Altınay also dealt with the National
Security course however she did not analyze it in terms of indoctrination of Atatürkism. For More Details: Ayşe Gül
Altınay, The Myth of the Military Nation (New York, Palgrave, 2004) pp. 1-163
117
Ali Türer, Türk Eğitim Tarihi (Ankara, Detay Yayıncılık, 2011) pp.1-394
22
textbooks by promoting secularism and Atatürk nationalism. Altan also demonstrates the
injection of Turkishness into Islam. 118
The Turkish education system and its history textbooks have been the subject of past
doctoral dissertations as well. Avonna Deanne Swartz’s Textbooks and National Ideology: A
Content Analysis of the Secondary Turkish History Textbooks used in the Republic of Turkey
Since 1929,119 Şefika Akile Zorlu-Durukan’s The Ideological Pillars of Turkish Education:
Emergent Kemalism and the Zenith of Single-Party Rule120 and Faith J. Childress’ Republican
Lessons: Education and the Making of Modern Turkey121 dealt with the Turkish education system
and Kemalism. However those dissertations did not refer specifically to the 1980-2002 period
and the four indoctrinating core lessons; History of Atatürkism, National Security, Religion
Knowledge, and lastly Civics.
Thesis Questions and Assumptions
 How did Atatürkism re-shape Kemalism by reconciling the Islamic paradigm through the
indoctrination of education system?
This question begs an attempt to analyze the impact of 1980 coup’s official ideology,
Atatürkism, on Kemalism - the corpus of school textbooks and the Turkish education system until
118
Özlem Altan in Eleanor Abdella Doumato and Gregory Starrett (eds.), “Turkey: Sanctifying a secular state.”
Teaching Islam, Textbooks and Religion in the Middle East (Colorado, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2007) pp.197-213
119
Swartz’s dissertation concentrates on Turkish education in general and showing the shifts in education by
focusing on Atatürk’s Principles in 1929, 1950 and 1986 textbooks. Avonna Deanne Swartz, Textbooks and National
Ideology: A content analysis of the secondary Turkish history textbooks used in the Republic of Turkey since 1929,
Doctoral diss., University of Texas, 1997, ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Web , (UMI Number:9803040),
Accessed in: 6 September 2012
120
Zorlu-Durukan concentrated on Turkish Nationalism’s ideological tendencies, Kemalism and a brief content
analysis about Turkish history textbooks. Şefika Akile Zorlu-Durukan, The Ideological Pillars of Turkish Education:
Emergent Kemalism and the zenith of single-party rule, Doctoral diss., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2006,
ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Web , (UMI Number:3245652), Accessed in: 6 September 2012
121
Childress begins her analysis of the Turkish education system with the Ottoman Empire. Later she examines the
Instruction and Pedagogy Committee and its influence on the textbooks. Childress lastly analyzes the images and
illustrations in the textbooks. Faith J. Childress, Republican Lessons: Education and the making of Modern Turkey,
Doctoral diss., University of Utah, 2001, ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Web , (UMI Number: 3014135),
6 September 2012
23
the rise of Justice and Development Party in 2002. In this context, pre-coup and the post-coup
school textbooks, indoctrination methods and contents will be examined. Moreover, this question
will attempt to reveal the essence of the Atatürkist Turkish educational system by examining the
practices, ceremonies, regulations and textbooks that were designed by the Turkish Ministry of
National Education. Moreover, daily student life, zeitgeist, indoctrination methods, socialization
processes, army influence in the civil sphere and other social engineering methods will be
examined.
It is vital to note that this question differentiates the terms Kemalism and Atatürkism from
one another. Hence an analysis of how the TSK adopted Atatürk’s ideals together with TurkishIslam Synthesis’ values and molded them into Atatürkism is necessary to answer this question. In
this framework I intend to demonstrate the Intellectuals’ Hearth’s theoretical influence on the
post-coup governments through laws, textbooks and main theoretical and ideological works of
Hearth leaders that had a direct effect on the 1980 military coup.
 What kind of society did the coup leaders desire to design?
This question is intended to reveal the social engineering process that was adopted by the
leaders of the September 1980 coup. Therefore the question requires an in-depth look at the status
of the different gender, ethnic and religious groups in Turkish society and their portrayal in the
textbooks of the 1980-2002 period. Moreover an elaboration as to how the coup leaders used
Atatürkism as an ideological apparatus to provide legitimacy for their actions while they were
shaping a homogenous, militaristic Turkish society is also prudent.
 How did the textbooks evaluate Turkey’s Ottoman and Turkish-Islamic past?
By asking this question, the dissertation will cover pre- and post-coup history textbooks to see
the importance that was given by the various governments as far as Ottoman history and Turkish24
Islamic history are concerned. The question seeks an answer as to how these governments wanted
to reflect and teach the Ottoman and Turkish-Islamic past to Turkish students. In this context the
role of the Turkish-Islam Synthesis will also be covered.
 Which subjects have been ignored or expunged from the textbooks?
While the contents of the four indoctrinating lessons drew the lines of how the post-coup
dominant powers tried to define and shape Turkey, the question seeks elucidation regarding the
importance of the ignored and expunged subjects from 1980-2002 curriculums. The analysis of
ignored and expunged subjects, such as the Kurdish people and other minorities, will contribute
to an understanding of the system of thought behind the indoctrination.
 What were the main educational principles prior to the 1980 coup d’etat?
The primary issue at hand here is to indicate the main emphasis of Turkey’s educational policies
in the pre-coup period. Therefore Ziya Gökalp’s Turkish nationalism theories and the foundations
of Kemalism will be evaluated. Simultaneously the question will attempt to highlight the
differences that arose in the post-coup period.
Hypothetical and Tentative Answers
 How did Atatürkism re-shape Kemalism by reconciling the Islamic paradigm through the
indoctrination of education system?
The post-coup government used Atatürk’s 100th birthday anniversary as a pretense to inject
Atatürkism into Turkish society that was fragmented into right and left camps. 122 The TSK
decided to re-design society according to Atatürkism. Eminently school textbooks and entire
education system were also vulnerable to this new wave of indoctrination.
122
Mehmet Ali Birand and et.al.,12 Eylül Türkiye’nin Miladı, (Istanbul, Doğan Kitap,2010) p.172
25
Atatürkism was declared the official ideology in General Kenan Evren’s radio address on
September 12, 1980. In his speech, Evren openly announced that the coup government would
take all necessary measures within the education system in order to bolster and disseminate
Atatürkism. 123 The fallout from this speech became evident when the concept “Nationalism of
Atatürk” was added to the 1982 Constitution (Article 2). In 1983, Nationalism of Atatürk’s was
further emphasized in the education system when the second, tenth and eleventh articles of the
National Education Basic Law (1973) (Law no: 2842) were amended to promote this ideal. 124
In order to indoctrinate Atatürkism, the coup government’s Minister of National
Education Hasam Sağlam initiated a new lesson called Republic of Turkey History of Reforms125
(T.C İnkılap Tarihi). By installing this course into the curriculum, the coup government sought to
raise a conscious Atatürkist nation.126
Despite the new course and the emphasis on Atatürk’s reforms, minister of Education
Hasan Sağlam and his government were not satisfied by Atatürkism's indoctrination in the
schools. Therefore with his official instruction in November 19, 1981 Atatürkism began to be
sprinkled and indoctrinated in lessons such as; History, Religion Knowledge, National Security
Knowledge, Social Sciences (Civics), Turkish, Literature, Sociology, Philosophy, Geography,
Math, Science, Gym, Music, Art, Art History. As a result, textbooks and the entire education
123
Seyfi Öngider, Son Klasik Darbe, (Istanbul, Aykırı Güncel, 2005) p. 18
Article 2 of the National Education Basic Law drew the guidelines of Turkish education system within
nationalism of Atatürk. Article 10 of the same law stated the necessity that curriculum and all lessons had to be based
on nationalism of Atatürk. In addition to that Article 11 strictly prohibited any action against such nationalism. For
More Details: Abdullah Açıkgöz and et.al, Milli Eğitim Mevzuatı, (Ankara, Nobel Yayın, 2001) pp.58-61
The amendment also paved the way for graduates of the vocational İmam Hatip schools to be admitted into
departments other than theology in Turkey’s universities.
For More Details: Rıfat Okçabol, Türkiye Eğitim Sistemi (Ankara, Ütopya, 2005) pp.81-84
125
This course later re-named as Republic of Turkey History of Reforms and Ataturkism (T.C İnkılap Tarihi ve
Atatürkçülük) - “History of Atatürkism”
126
"Yüksek Okullar Türk İnkılap Tarihi ve Orta Öğretim Kurumları "Türkiye Cumhuriyeti İnkılap Tarihi Müfredat
Programı", Decision Number:76, April 27, 1981, in Tebliğler Dergisi, Number: 2087 Vol. 44, May 25, 1981, p.205
124
26
system were exposed to absolute Atatürkist domination, found in written regulations and the
rhetoric. Therefore, Atatürk’s bywords, life, personal characteristics, nationalism perception,
rationality and views on religion began to be transmitted to students through various courses.127
As a result, the four core indoctrinating textbooks; History of Atatürkism, Religion Knowledge,
National Security and Civics textbooks that were published after the 1980 period contained
intensive information on Atatürkism. It should be noted that such an emphasis on “Atatürkism”
cannot be found in pre-1980 coup textbooks.128
Socialization of Atatürkism via ceremonies and regulations is an important aspect for this
dissertation. Turkish educational life remained the same on the surface following the 1980
military coup d’état as Atatürk continued to represent its core. “Our Oath” was still recited each
morning, with the notable exception of enacted regulations augmenting national holidays and
school customs with a more military spirit. These regulations were used as a tool to shape
society. The most prominent example of this policy was the enactment of “National and Official
Holidays Ceremony Regulations.” The regulation stresses national unity and more importantly,
affinity to Atatürk and his revolution and principles. This regulation describes in detail how each
national holiday should be celebrated in the capital and outside it, when students should sing the
national anthem, read poems, march in stadiums, lay wreaths beside Atatürk monuments or recite
Atatürk’s famous “Allocution to the Turkish Youth.” Moreover, Article 4/H of the Ministry’s
Flag Ceremonies Regulation (No: 2594), designed in accordance with the “Turkish Flag Law”
127
"Temel Eğitim ve Orta Öğretim Kurumlarında Atatürk İnkılap ve İlkelerinin Öğretim Esasları Yönergesi",
Decision Number:320/10110-81, November 19, 1981, in Tebliğler Dergisi, Number: 2104 Vol. 45, January 18, 1982,
pp. 36-39
For More Details: Mustafa Çiçekoğlu, Milli Güvenlik Bilgileri III (Istanbul, Kanaat, 1963)
Selçuk Eraydın, Din Bilgisi II, (Istanbul, Damla, 1976)
Ahmet Ergun and Burhan Öztürk, Yurttaşlık Bilgisi IV (Istanbul, Ders Kitapları Ltd. Şti, 1963)
Enver Behnan Şapoloya, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi (Istanbul, Rafet Zaimler, 1966)
128
27
(No: 2893, Year: 1983), states that students are required to attend flag ceremonies every Monday
at the beginning of each week and every Friday at the end of each week. During the ceremony,
students are obligated to sing the national anthem in the presence of the Turkish flag. 129
Hence it can be said that through the use of national holidays, ceremonies, daily practices,
schools and textbooks the TSK wanted to keep Atatürkism fresh and relevant. By placing the
ideology at the forefront of all citizens’ lives, the TSK was promoting Atatürkism’s solid
socialization. Despite the declaration of Atatürkism as the official ideology of the coup, it was
received by Turks as an unpopular, non-dynamic official ideology. The September 12th
government decided to upgrade Atatürkism by infusing Islam into it. In order to facilitate the
TSK’s adoption of Turkish-Islam Synthesis, Muharrem Ergin - the theoretical father of
Intellectuals’ Hearth - re-defined Atatürkism and divided it into two parts; “Right Atatürkism”
that does not marginalize Islam and “Wrong Atatürkism” which interprets Atatürkism incorrectly
and abuses the concept of secularism. Consequently, thanks to Ergin’s new definition and its
adoption by the TSK, Turkish-Islam Synthesis became interchangeable with “Right Atatürkism.”
After removing any traces of conflict between Atatürkism and Islam, 130 Ergin openly called for
the adoption of Atatürkism as state policy in the aftermath of the 1980 coup.131
Members of the Intellectuals’ Hearth believed that the domination and perpetuation of the
synthesis could only be achieved through political influence and determining the essence of the
national education system. In his book, Türkiye’nin Bugünkü Meseleleri (Current Issues of
Turkey), Muharrem Ergin openly declared that the core issue to be dealt with urgently is
129
Abdullah Açıkgöz and et.al, Milli Eğitim Mevzuatı, (Ankara, Nobel Yayın, 2001) pp.206-208
Muharrem Ergin, Türkiye’nin Bugünkü Meseleleri,(Istanbul, Güryay,1975) pp.308-315
131
Muharrem Ergin, Türkiye’nin Bugünkü Meseleleri, (Ankara, Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü, 1988) p.295
130
28
education in Turkey.132 To this end, he states the need to redesign the Turkish education system
by curing it with “clean blood” (Turkish Islam Synthesis) via “vessels” (textbooks and the
education system).133 The enactment of the 1982 Constitution and Article 24, that turned Religion
Knowledge from an optional course to a compulsory one, marked the beginning of the cure of the
“vessels” by the “clean blood”.
Post-coup civilian administrations also adopted the new Islamic-blend Turkish education
policies. One of the most prominent examples of this is Vehbi Dinçerler of the ANAP 134 and the
first civilian Minister of Education's (1983-1985) speech during an Intellectuals’ Hearth
symposium. In his speech, Dinçerler emphasized the need to design Turkish society with a
Turkish-Islam Synthesis dominated education. This served as further evidence of an official
acceptance of Turkish-Islam Synthesis' penetration into the national education system by the
ruling establishment.135
In this respect, the attempts of reconciliation between Atatürk’s ideals and Turkish-Islam
Synthesis should also be underlined. Predominantly, Religion Knowledge school textbooks that
were published after the coup served as the primary “vessel” to demonstrate the compatibility
between Islam and Atatürkism. These textbooks contained chapters like “Atatürk and Our
Religion”136, “Secularism and Islam” “Love of Homeland and Nation” (which deals with “Sacred
Values”: “Martyrdom”, “Flag”, “Holiness of Conscription”).137 In contrast, pre-coup Religion
132
Muharrem Ergin, Türkiye’nin Bugünkü Meseleleri, (Istanbul, Güryay,1975) p.393
Muharrem Ergin, Türkiye’nin Bugünkü Meseleleri, (Istanbul, Güryay,1975) p.401
134
Motherland Party – Anavatan Partisi – (ANAP)
135
Vehbi Dinçerler, “Milli Eğitim Gençlik ve Spor Bakanı Sayın Vehbi Dinçerler’in Konuşması” in Aydınlar Ocağı,
Ülkemizi 12 Eylül’e Getiren Sebepler ve Tükiye Üzerindeki Oyunlar, (Istanbul, Garanti Matbaacılık, 1984), pp.27-30
136
For More Details: Mehmet Aydın, Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi III (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basımevi, 1995) pp.8797
137
For More Details: Ethem Ruhi Fığlalı, Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi 3 (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basımevi, 1988) pp.
50-67 and pp.93-109
133
29
Knowledge textbooks did not contain such indoctrinating contents on Atatürk or Atatürkism’s
agreeableness with Islam. 138
 What kind of society did the coup leaders desire to design?
"The reasons that Led us to September 12 and the Political Games against Turkey" seminar
that was organized by the Intellectuals’ Hearth in September 1984 revealed the ultimate goal of
their social engineering process by defining the "ideal human being" or ideal citizen as a
"Muslim-Turkish" type.139 Ergin further went on and called the coup as a historical junction that
will lead Turkey to its renaissance.140
The 1980 coup allowed the generals to intervene and shape curriculums exposing school
children to militaristic teachings.141 National Security textbooks, taught by retired soldiers in the
classrooms, are the most important pieces of evidence that demonstrate the TSK's social
engineering project. The 1983 National Security textbook clearly states its aim is to create an
Atatürkist, patriotic, united and national-security conscious, self-aware nation. 142 İsmail Kaplan
argues that the TSK tried to create an image of a "Holy-State" and an obedient citizen from birth
until death.143 The Religion Knowledge textbook by Ethem Ruhi Fığlalı supports Kaplan's claim.
Fığlalı's Religion Knowledge textbook devoted a subsection for the need to obey state leaders by
using the Quran's "Nisa Surah" – verse 59.144 Moreover Religion Knowledge textbooks also
advocate secularism's compatibility with Islam by using Atatürk's bywords as reference.145
138
For More Details: İbrahim Beğen, Türk Gencinin Din Dersleri 2 (Istanbul, Cağaloğlu Yayınevi, 1964)
Salih Tuğ, “Tebliğ’in Tarihi”, in Aydınlar Ocağı, Ülkemizi 12 Eylül’e Getiren Sebepler ve Tükiye Üzerindeki
Oyunlar, (Istanbul, Garanti Matbaacılık, 1984), p.133
140
Muharrem Ergin, Türkiye’nin Bugünkü Meseleleri, (Ankara, Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü, 1988) p.213
141
Sam Kaplan, The Pedagogical State, (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 2006), 174
142
Milli Güvenlik Bilgisi 2-3, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basımevi, 1983)Preface
143
İsmail Kaplan, Türkiye’de Milli Eğitim İdeolojisi (İstanbul, İletişim, 2011) p.392
144
Ethem Ruhi Fığlalı, Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi 8,(Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basımevi, 2000)pp. 50-51
145
An example of Atatürk's bywords that justify Islam's compatibility with secularism can be seen in Fığlalı's
Religion Knowledge textbook: "Our religion is the most rational and the most intrinsic religion. Hence it is the final
139
30
Therefore it can be argued that Religion Knowledge books began to be used as an apparatus to
create a "religious, non-bigot state."146 At the onset, non-Muslims were also forced to attend
Religion Knowledge classes. Due to international pressure however, non-Muslim minorities such
as Jews, Armenians and Greeks were eventually granted exemption. The state continued to force
Alevis to attend the classes catered to Sunni Islam. 147
Besides Alevis, the Kurds constituted an important problem for the TSK since they threatened
the homogeneity of the state. Hence the Kurds were not acknowledged by successive Turkish
administrations as a different ethnic group, nor a minority. Kurds were seen as “Mountain Turks”
who had forgotten their native language.148 The internal threats subsection in Civics149 and
History of Atatürkism150 textbooks also address the "separatist threat" while not directly
mentioning the Kurds. Gender politics is also another prominent issue of the textbooks. History
of Atatürkism textbooks clearly praise the current state of women rights in Turkey due to
Atatürk's reforms. In this subsection women's political rights and historical heritage are also
analyzed.151
one. In order to name a religion intrinsic it has to be suitable with rationality, science, wisdom and logic. Our religion
suits all of these criteria" For More Details: Ethem Ruhi Fığlalı, Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi 8,(Istanbul, Milli
Eğitim Basımevi, 2000)pp.47-49
146
Tanıl Bora and Kemal Can, Devlet Ocak Dergah, (Istanbul, İletişim Yayınları, 2009) p.175
147
İsmail Kaplan, Türkiye’de Milli Eğitim İdeolojisi (İstanbul, İletişim, 2011) p.371
148
John Bulloch, Harvey Morris, No Friends but the Mountains, (New York, Oxford University Press,1992) p.168
149
Kemal Dal, et. al, Vatandaşlık Bilgileri III, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basımevi, 1994) p. 73
150
Ahmet Mumcu and Mükerrem Su, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti İnkılap Tarihi ve Atatürkçülük, Milli Eğitim Basımevi,
2000) pp. 293-296
151
Ahmet Mumcu and Mükerrem Su, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti İnkılap Tarihi ve Atatürkçülük, Milli Eğitim Basımevi,
2000) pp. 218-220
31
 How did the textbooks evaluate Turkey's Ottoman and Islamic past?
The answer to this question will help elucidate the perception differences towards the
Ottoman Empire between the pre- and post-coup government. In the aftermath of the coup, all of
the textbooks were re-written in the Turkish-Islam Synthesis style with a nationalist focus.152
Pre-coup period history textbooks covered Ottoman history in chapters. The emphasis of precoup history textbooks was not concentrated solely on pre-Islamic Turkish states, Islamic Turkish
States or Ottoman history. On the contrary, these books had very rich content regarding Greek
and Roman civilizations.153 However, the post-coup period saw new textbooks entitled “Ottoman
History” (Osmanlı Tarihi) with very rich content on Ottoman history. 154 Additionally, and thanks
to the growing importance of Turkish-Islam Synthesis, another new textbook called “General
Turkish History” (Genel Türk Tarihi) also emerged. These books stressed the Turkish nation’s
emergence in history while providing information about the Turks’ conversion to Islam and early
Turkish-Islamic states. The increasing attention paid to Turkish-Islamic and Ottoman history in
the textbooks at the expense of Greek, Roman and European history is an accomplishment of
Turkish-Islam Synthesis in the Turkish education.
 Which subjects have been ignored or expunged from the textbooks?
The answer to this question will attempt to reveal the ignored and expunged subjects from the
school textbooks, thus reflecting the Turkish Republic’s policies concerning its own essence. By
ignoring core concepts like the Islamist Atatürk,155 Ziya Gökalp,156 Kurds, 157 minority rights158
152
Ünal Bilir, “Turkey-Islam: Recipe for Success or hindrance to the integration of Turkish Diaspora Community in
Germany?”, Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, 24:2, p.263
153
For More Details: Niyazi Akşit and Emin Oktay, Tarih I, (Istanbul, Remzi, 1969)
154
For More Details: Kemal Kara, Osmanlı Tarihi 1, (Istanbul, Önde, 2000) and Kemal Kara, Osmanlı Tarihi 2,
(Istanbul, Önde, 1999)
155
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s Islamist speeches and his definition of the Islamic nation during the War of
Independence (1919-1922) are totally excluded from the textbooks. For More Details: Taha Akyol, Ama Hangi
Atatürk,(Istanbul, Doğan Kitap, 2008) pp. 137-213
32
and terrorism, 159 the Turkish national education system shaped and designed its own ideal
secular,160 Atatürk centered, non-pluralist/monist and unitary state supportive citizen. Hence
ignorance and lack of knowledge about each minority group is increasing since none of these
groups are mentioned nor represented in the education system in general and in the school
textbooks in particular. Consequently, Atatürkism’s monist essence was amply visible in the four
indoctrinating textbooks and education system.
 What were the main educational principles prior to the 1980 coup d’etat?
The answer to this question will attempt to reveal the different ideological educational
perceptions of Kemalism, 161 Humanism162 and the Turkist school163 by analyzing the laws,
156
None of the textbooks contain any material concerning the ideological father of the Turkish nationalism, Ziya
Gökalp. Instead all emphasis is based on Atatürk as if he was the only theorist of Turkish nationalism.
157
Inevitably, the Kurds will occupy the core discourse of this question. The most important Kurdish revolts of
Koçgiri (1920), Ağrı/Ararat (1927), and Dersim (1937) are not included in the textbooks while the most symbolic
Kurdish/Islamic revolt of Sheikh Said (1925) was only labeled as a “fundamental Islamic revolt” that was triggered
by the British. The Rise of Kurdistan Society is another prominent subject in the textbook discourse. Some history
textbook authors tended to change the name of the organization into “The Rise of Kurdish Society” while some
authors did mention the organization’s full name. The main reason for the omission is certainly connected to the
agenda of erasing the name of Kurdistan from school textbooks. The Re-Settlement Law (June 19, 1927) that sought
to assimilate Kurds by forcing them to emigrate to different parts of Turkey where Turkish culture was dominant is
also ignored from the textbooks.
158
Similar ignorance can be seen in the “minorities” section of National Security books. The minority section openly
reflects the state’s policy vis-à-vis minorities. Since Turkey’s minority policy is based on the Lausanne Treaty that
defines minorities on the basis of religion, Kurdish minority rights are ignored in this section of textbooks.
159
Glossing over factual information is clearly evident in Civics textbooks, especially when the separatist terrorism
section is examined. The Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s (PKK) is totally ignored in order not to include the
organization’s propaganda in school textbooks.
160
Textbooks emphasize Atatürk’s respect to Islam in every section of Secularism in Atatürk’s Principles.
161
Kemalist education was based on Ziya Gökalp’s culture-based nationalist theories. Kemalism’s most important
characteristics were the glorification of the pre-Islamic Turkish past and the ignorance of Ottoman history. For More
Details: Faith J. Childress, Republican Lessons: Education and the making of Modern Turkey, Doctoral diss.,
University of Utah, 2001, ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Web , (UMI Number: 3014135), 6 September 2012,
p.44. Kemalism’s most important education characteristic was the adoption of “National Culture” that rejected any
influence stemming from its Ottoman past, the West and the East. For More Details: İsmail Kaplan, Türkiye’de Milli
Eğitim İdeolojisi, (Istanbul, İletişim, 2011)p.138. Consequently the Kemalist critique against Ottoman history that
survived until 1948 tended to show the benefits of the republic. For More Details: Necdet Sakaoğlu, “İlkokul Tarih
Programları ve Ders Kitapları”, in Salih Özbaran, Tarih Öğretimi ve Ders Kitapları,(İstanbul, Tarih Vakfı Yurt
Yayınları, 2008) pp.137-138
162
The Humanist approach that criticized Kemalism, though never renouncing it, emerged after the death of Atatürk.
Humanists attributed the Greco-Roman civilization as the precursor to the Anatolian civilization, though this did not
completely dominate the education system. For More Details: Etienne Copeaux, Tarih Ders Kitaplarında (19311993) Türk Tarih Tezinden Türk-İslam Sentezine (De l’Adriatique a la mer de Chine) (Istanbul, İletişim Yayınları,
33
regulations and agendas of pre and post 1980 governments. The transition from a one party
system to a multi-party system resulted in rapid acceleration of changes to the educational
system. In this framework, the early influence of Turkish-Islam Synthesis that began to spread
with the foundation of 1976 National Front (Milli Cephe) Governments164 will also be
analyzed.165 Obviously this question will also seek to put the differences between the pre and the
post-coup school textbooks.
The Sources
National Education Ministry’s Textbook Archives
(Milli Eğitim Bakanlığı Ders Kitapları Arşivi (MEBDKA)
The MEBDKA, located in Turkey’s capital Ankara, covers all Turkish textbooks and other
books that have been approved and printed by the Ministry of National Education of Turkey.
Despite its primitive manual databases, the archives provided almost all textbooks from 1980
until 2002 including History of Atatürkism, Religion Knowledge, National Security and Civics
courses that will be analyzed in this dissertation. The missing textbooks were due to a relocation
of the archives.
2006) pp. 79-82. However we cannot talk about an absolute domination of one form of humanism since Hasan Ali
Yücel, the minister of Education (1938-1946), was influenced by the Mavi Anadoluculuk Hareketi (Blue
Anatolianists Movement), which emerged as a critique against the sole western version of humanism. Mavi
Anadoluculuk instead called for an Anatolian folk blended Turkish humanism. For More Details: Emre Yıldırım,
Modern Cumhuriyetin Kimlik Arayışları: Kayıp Kimliğin Peşinde Mavi Anadoluculuk Hareketi, Doctoral Diss.,
İstanbul University, 2012, YÖK Tez Merkezi, Accessed in: 20 March 2013.
163
The Turkist school emerged as a reaction against the humanist approach. Turkist scholars came together under the
think tank Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü (The Institute for the Research of the Turkish Culture). The Turkist
school emerged as the seed of the Intellectuals’ Hearth and began to act as the core engine of Turkish-Islam
Synthesis. Ibrahim Kafesoğlu, who later became one of the founders of the Intellectuals’ Hearth, was a prominent
figure in this school.
164
National Front Governments have been formed by the Justice Party (Adalet Partisi - AP), National Salvation Party
(Milli Selamet Partisi -MSP), Nationalist Movement Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi – MHP) and Republican
Reliance Party (Cumhuriyetçi Güven Partisi – CGP) to avert a leftist government as a means to eliminate the threat
of Communism.
165
Yücel Kabapınar, “Kredili Sistem ve Lise Tarih Kitapları” in Salih Özbaran, Tarih Öğretimi ve Ders
Kitapları,(İstanbul, Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2008) p.217
34
Georg Eckert Institute (GEI) for the International Textbook Research
GEI, located in the German city of Braunschweig, is known as the most comprehensive and
rich textbook archive of the world. Thanks to its sophisticated databases and rich materials, I
could find History, Ottoman History, General Turkish History, Civics, National Security
Knowledge and Religion Knowledge textbooks that were published prior to the 1980 coup.
Moreover it is vital to note that GEI provided some other post-1980 textbooks that I could not
find in the MEBDKA.
Laws and Regulations
The 1982 Turkish Constitution and Ministry of National Education’s Instruction and
Pedagogy Committee’s web site http://ttkb.meb.gov.tr/ provides all judicial and ministerial
databases for Educational laws and regulations. Moreover the website provides the programs and
the general aims for History and Atatürkism, Religion Knowledge, National Security and Civics
courses. The Turkish Ministry of Education’s regulation book, Milli Eğitim Mevzuatı, was also
added to the proposal’s bibliography. The book provides broad information about etiquette for
customs and ceremonies.
Turkish Newspapers
There will be a need to include 1980-2002 Turkish Newspapers as a source for this
dissertation. The newspapers will provide an insight for the zeitgeist of the 1980-2002 period.
Moreover, Turkish press responses, one way or another, towards the curricular changes will be
examined. I intend to use Hürriyet, Milliyet, Radikal, Cumhuriyet and Milli Gazete Newspapers
for this dissertation.
35
BIBLIOGRAPHY
DOCUMENTS
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 Tebliğler Dergisi, Number: 2087 Vol. 44, May 25, 1981
 Tebliğler Dergisi, Number: 2104 Vol. 45, January 18, 1982
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36
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 Çarkoğlu, Ali and Barry Rubin, Religion and Politics in Turkey, (New York, Routledge,
2006)
 Çaylak, Adem, and et.al, (eds.), Osmanlı’dan İkibinli Yıllara Türkiye’nin Politik Tarihi,
(Ankara, Savaş Yayınevi, 2009)
 Cady, Linell E. And Elizabeth Shakman Hurd (Eds.), Comparative Secularisms in a Global
Age, (New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2010)
 Copeaux, Etienne, Tarih Ders Kitaplarında (1931-1993) Türk Tarih Tezinden Türk-İslam
Sentezine (De l’Adriatique a la mer de Chine) (Istanbul, İletişim Yayınları, 2006)
 Denis Lawton, et. al, Theory and Practice of Curriculum Studies (London, Routledge &
Kegan Paul, 1978)
 Doumato, Eleanor Abdella and Gregory Starrett (eds.), Teaching Islam,Textbooks and
Religion in the Middle East (Colorado, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2007)
 Ergin, Muharrem, Türkiye’nin Bugünkü Meseleleri (Istanbul, Güryay, 1975)
 Ergin, Muharrem, Türkiye’nin Bugünkü Meseleleri (Ankara, Türk Kültürünü Araştırma
Enstitüsü, 1988)
 Falk Pingel, UNESCO Guidebook on Textbook Research and Textbook Revision, (Paris &
Braunschweig, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 2009)
 Fığlalı, Ethem Ruhi, Taha Müftüoğlu and İdris Karakuş (eds.), Atatürk Düşüncesinde Din ve
Laiklik, (Ankara, Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi, 2008)
 Fontana Benedetto, Hegemony and Power (London, University of Minnesota Press, 1993)
37
 Giddens, Anthony, Sociology, (Cambridge, Polity, 2002)
 Gümüşoğlu, Firdevs, Ders Kitaplarında Toplumsal Cinsiyet 1928-2013, (Istanbul,
Kaynak,2013)
 Gökaçtı, Mehmet Ali, Türkiye’de Din Eğitimi ve İmam Hatipler, (Istanbul, İletişim, 2005)
 Gökalp, Ziya, Türkçülüğün Esasları, (Ankara, Elips Kitap, 2006)
 Gökalp, Ziya, Türkleşmek İslamlaşmak Muasırlaşmak, (Istanbul, Toker Yayınları, 2007)
 Göle, Nilüfer, Melez Desenler, (Istanbul, Metis Yayınları, 2011)
 Gözaydın, İştar, Diyanet, (Istanbul, İletişim, 2009)
 Green,Andy, Education and State Formation (New York, St.Martin’s Press, 1990)
 Halliday, Fred and Hamza Alavi (Eds.) State and Ideology in the Middle East and Pakistan,
(Hong Kong, Macmillan Education, 1988)
 Heper Metin and Ahmet Evin (eds.) State Democracy and the Military, (Berlin and New
York, de Gruyter, 1988)
 Heper, Metin and Nur Bilge Criss, Historical Dictionary of Turkey (Toronto, The Scarecrow
Press, 2009)
 Heper, Metin and Sabri Sayan (Eds.) The Routledge Handbook of Modern Turkey (London
and New York, Routledge, 2012)
 Houn, Franklin W., To Change a Nation, (New York, The Free Press of Glencoe, 1961)
 Ilıcak, Nazlı, Demokrasiye İnce Ayar, (Istanbul, Doğan Kitap, 2013)
 Kafesoğlu, İbrahim, Türk İslam Sentezi, (Istanbul, Ötüken, 1999)
 Kalaycıoğlu, Ersin, Turkish Dynamics, (New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2005)
 Kaplan, İsmail, Türkiye'de Milli Eğitim İdeolojisi, (Istanbul, İletişim, 1999)
38
 Kaplan, Sam, The Pedagogical State, (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 2006)
 Kili, Suna, Kemalism (Istanbul, Menteş Matbaası, 1969).
 Kışlalı, Ahmet Taner, Kemalizm Laiklik ve Demokrasi (Ankara, İmge Yayınevi 2007)
 Kuru, Ahmet T., Secularism and State Policies Toward Religion The United States, France
and Turkey (New York, Cambridge University Press, 2009)
 Kuyaş, Ahmet (Ed.) and et.al., Tarih 2002 (İstanbul: TÜSİAD, 2002)
 Levey, Geoffrey Brahm and Tariq Modood, Secularism, Religion and Multicultural
Citizenship, (Cambridge, Cambridge Universtiy Press, 2009)
 May, Stephen, Language and Minority Rights, (New York, Routledge, 2012)
 Menashri, David, Education and the Making on Modern Iran, (Ithaca and London, Cornell
University Press, 1992)
 Nir, Adam, (Ed.), Centralization and School Empowerment,(New York, Nova Biomedical
Books, 2009)
 Okçabol, Rıfat, Türkiye Eğitim Sistemi (Ankara, Ütopya, 2005)
 Öngider, Seyfi, Son Klasik Darbe (Istanbul, Aykırı Güncel, 2005)
 Ortaylı, İlber, Türkiye’nin Yakın Tarihi, (Istanbul, Timaş, 2010)
 Özbaran Salih, Tarih Öğretimi ve Ders Kitapları 1994 Buca Sempozyumu (Istanbul, Tarih
Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2008)
 Podeh, Eli, The Arab-Israeli Conflict in Israeli History Textbooks, 1948-2000 (Westport,
Bergin & Garvey, 2002)
 Somel, Selçuk Akşin, The Modernization of public education in the Ottoman Empire 18391908 (Leiden, Koninklijke, 2001) pp. 194-195
39
 Stock-Morton, Phyllis, Moral Education for a Secular Society, (New York, State University
of New York Press, 1988)
 Suleiman, Ezra N., Private Power and Centralization in France, (Princeton, Princeton
University Press, 1987)
 Sünbüloğlu, Nurseli Yeşim, Erkek Millet Asker Millet, (Istanbul, İletişim, 2013)
 Tan, Charlene, Islamic Education and Indoctrination, (New York & London, Routledge,
2011)
 Tanör, Bülent and Necmi Yüzbaşıoğlu, 1982 Anayasasına göre Türk Anayasa Hukuku
(Istanbul, Beta Yayınları, 2004)
 Tanyu, Hikmet, Atatürk ve Türk Milliyetçiliği, (Ankara, Elips Kitap, 2007)
 Tekin Günel, Gülçiçek, Beyaz Soykırım, (Istanbul, Belge, 2012)
 Turam, Berna, Between Islam and the State,(Stanford, Stanford University Press,2007)
 Türer, Ali, Türk Eğitim Tarihi, (Ankara, Detay Yayıncılık, 2011)
 Türkdoğan, Orhan, Ulus devlet düşünürü Ziya Gökalp (Istanbul, IQ, 2005)
 Tüzün, Gürel (Ed.) Ders Kitaplarında İnsan Hakları II: Tarama Sonuçları, (Istanbul, Tarih
Vakfı, 2009)
 Üstel, Füsun, Makbul Vatandaşın Peşinde, (Istanbul, İletişim, 2004)
 Yavuz, Hakan M. and John L. Esposito, Turkish Islam and the Secular State The Gülen
Movement, (New York, Syracuse University Press, 2003)
 Yavuz, Hakan M., Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, (Oxford, Oxford University Press,
2003)
 Yavuz, Hakan M., Toward an Islamic Enlightenment The Gülen Movement, (Oxford, Oxford
University Press, 2013)
40
ARTICLES
 Arakon, Maya, “Ayrılıkçı Kürt Hareketinin Tarihsel Dinamiklerine Kısa Bir Bakış”,
Alternatif Politika, Vol. 2 Number: 2, October 2010
 Bilir, Ünal, “Turkey-Islam: Recipe for Success or hindrance to the integration of Turkish
Diaspora Community in Germany?”, Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, 24:2
 Jenkins, Gareth “Power and unaccountability in Turkish security forces”, Conflict, Security &
Development, Routledge, 1:01, November 24,2006
 Kancı, Tuba and Ayşe Gül Altınay, “Educating Little Soliders and Little Ayşes: Militarised
and Gendered Citizenship in Turkish Textbooks”, in Marie Carlson and et.al (eds.),
Education in “Multicultural Socities” – Turkish and Swedish Perspectives (Stockholm,
Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul, 2007) vol.18
 Kurt, Ümit, “The Doctrine of Turkish Islamic Synthesis as the official ideology of the
September 12 and the Intellectuals’ Hearth – Aydınlar Ocağı as the ideological apparatus of
the state”, European Journal of Economic and Political Studies, Vol.3, No.2 Winter 2010
 Kutschera, Chris, “Mad Dreams of Independence, The Kurds of Turkey and the PKK,”
Middle East Report No:189, The Kurdish Experience, Jul-Aug, 1994
 Maris, Cees, “Laicite in the Low Countries? On Headscarves in a Neutral State”, Jean
Monnet Working Papers Series 14/07, 2007
 Repoussi, Maria and Nicole Tutiaux-Guillon, “New trends in history textbook research:
Issues and Methodologies toward a School Historiography”, Journal of Educational Media,
Memory and Society, Vol.2, Issue:1, Spring, 2010
41
 Schissler, Hanna, “Navigating a globalizing world: Thoughts on Textbook Analysis,
Teaching and Learning”, Journal of Educational Media, Memory and Society, Vol.1, Issue:1,
Spring, 2009
 Wishnitzer, Avner,
“Teaching Time: Schools, Schedules and the Ottoman Pursuit of
Progress”, New Perspectives on Turkey, No:43, 2010, pp.5-32
DISSERTATIONS AND MASTER THESISES
 Bilgi, Sabiha, Schooling in Turkey: New Genealogies, Nationness and power, Doctoral diss.,
University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2010, ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Web , (UMI
Number:3437301), Accessed in: 6 September 2012
 Childress, Faith J., Republican Lessons: Education and the making of Modern Turkey,
Doctoral diss., University of Utah, 2001, ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Web , (UMI
Number: 3014135), 6 September 2012
 Özcan Yurttaş, Fatma, Bir Aydın Hareketi olarak Aydınlar Ocağı ve Türk Siyasetine Etkileri,
Doctoral diss., Sakarya University, 2011, YÖK Tez Merkezi, Accessed in: 19 March 2013
 Sema Basmacı, Aydınlar Ocağı ve Türk-İslam Sentezi: 1980’lerden 2000’li Yıllara Devreden
Milliyetçi-Muhafazakar Bakiye, Master of Arts Thesis., Hacettepe University, 2009, YÖK Tez
Merkezi, Accessed in: 19 March 2013
 Swartz, Avonna Deanne, Textbooks and National Ideology: A content analysis of the
secondary Turkish history textbooks used in the Republic of Turkey since 1929, Doctoral
diss., University of Texas, 1997, ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Web , (UMI
Number:9803040), Accessed in: 6 September 2012
42
 Yıldırım, Emre, Modern Cumhuriyetin Kimlik Arayışları: Kayıp Kimliğin Peşinde Mavi
Anadoluculuk Hareketi, Doctoral Diss., İstanbul University, 2012, YÖK Tez Merkezi,
Accessed in: 20 March 2013
 Zorlu-Durukan, Şefika Akile, The Ideological Pillars of Turkish Education: Emergent
Kemalism and the zenith of single-party rule, Doctoral diss., University of WisconsinMadison, 2006, ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Web , (UMI Number:3245652),
Accessed in: 6 September 2012
TEXTBOOKS
POST MILITARY COUP-1980 TEXTBOOKS
National Security Books
 Milli Güvenlik Bilgisi I-II-III, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım, 1980)
 Milli Güvenlik Bilgisi Lise ve dengi okullar için, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım, 1994, 1995)
 Milli Güvenlik Bilgisi, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım, 1999, 2000, 2001)
 Milli Güvenlik Bilgisi 2-3, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım, 1983, 1987, 1989, 1991, 1992)
Civics Knowledge Books
 Dal Kemal, Çakıroğlu Orhan and Özyazgan Ali İhsan, Vatandaşlık Bilgileri, (Istanbul, Milli
Eğitim Basım Evi, 1986, 1987, 1988, 1989, 1994, 1995)
 Çiftçi Fehimdar, et al, Vatandaşlık ve İnsan Hakları Eğitimi 8, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım
Evi, 2000)
Republic of Turkey, The History of Reform and Atatürkism Books
 Mumcu, Ahmet and Mükerrem Su, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti İnkılap Tarihi ve Atatürkçülük,
(Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım Evi, 2000, 2001, 2002)
43
 Parmaksızoğlu, İsmet, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti İnkılap Tarihi ve Atatürkçülük, (Istanbul, Milli
Eğitim Basım Evi, 1981,1983, 1984, 1986, 1987)
 Şenünver, Güler, et. al, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti İnkılap Tarihi ve Atatürkçülük 8, (Istanbul,
Milli Eğitim Basım Evi, 2000, 2002)
 Su, Mükerrem and Ahmet Mumcu, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti İnkılap Tarihi ve Atatürkçülük,
(Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım Evi, 1990, 1991, 1999)
 Su, Mükerrem and Ahmet Mumcu, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti İnkılap Tarihi, (Istanbul, Milli
Eğitim Basım Evi, 1981, 1983, 1984, 1986, 1987)
 Türkiye Cumhuriyeti İnkılap Tarihi ve Atatürkçülük III, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım Evi,
1989, 1990, 1992, 1996, 1997)
General Turkish History
 Merçil Erdoğan and Zerrin Günal Öden, Genel Türk Tarihi I (Eskişehir, Etam, 1994, 1998)
 Merçil Erdoğan and Büte Erçil, Genel Türk Tarihi II (Eskişehir, Etam, 1994, 1998)
 Merçil Erdoğan and Büte Erçil, Genel Türk Tarihi III (Eskişehir, Etam, 1994, 1998)
Ottoman History
 Başaran Ahmet, et.al., Osmanlı Tarihi (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basımevi, 2000)
 Kara Kemal, Osmanlı Tarihi 1 (Istanbul, Önde, 2000)
 Kara Kemal, Osmanlı Tarihi 2 (Istanbul, Önde, 1999)
 Şahin, Tahir Erdoğan, Osmanlı Tarihi 1, (Ankara, Koza, 1998)
 Şahin, Erdoğan and Ali Kaya, Osmanlı Tarihi 2, (Ankara, Koza, 1993)
Culture of Religion and Morality Knowledge Books
 Ayas, Rami and Günay Tümer, Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi 1, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım
Evi, 1984, 1986, 1987,1990, 1991, 1992, 1993, 1997)
44
 Aydın, Mehmet, Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi 3, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım Evi, 1984,
1987, 1991, 1995, 1996, 2002)
 Bolay, Süleyman Hayri, Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi 2, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım Evi,
1988, 1990, 1991, 1995, 2001, 2002)
 Fığlalı, Ethem Ruhi, Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi 3, (Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1982)
 Fığlalı, Ethem Ruhi, Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi 3, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım Evi, 1985,
1988, 1997, 2000)
 Şener, Abdülkadir and Orhan Karmış, Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi 1, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim
Basım Evi, 1986, 1988, 1989, 1991, 1995, 1997)
 Tunç, Cihad, Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi 2, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım Evi, 1983, 1984,
1985, 1987, 1988, 1990, 1991)
PRE-MILITARY COUP 1980 TEXTBOOKS
History
 Akşit, Niyazi and Emin Oktay, Tarih I, (Istanbul, Remzi, 1969)
 Cezar, Mustafa, Tarih III (Istanbul, Nebioğlu, 1950)
 Karal, Enver Ziya, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi 1918-1965 (Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu,
1978)
 Oktay, Emin, Tarih II (Istanbul, Atlas, 1968)
 Oktay, Emin, Tarih III (Istanbul, Atlas, 1966)
 Ormancı, Nurettin and Ali Ekrem İnal, Tarih 1 (Istanbul, İnkılap, 1956)
 Ormancı, Nurettin and Ali Ekrem İnal, Tarih 2 (Istanbul, İnkılap, 1956)
 Ormancı, Nurettin and Ali Ekrem İnal, Tarih 3 (Istanbul, İnkılap, 1956)
45
 Serdarlar, Neriman and Fahriye Çetinkanat, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi 1918-1966
(Istanbul, İnkılap, 1978)
 Su, Mükerrem and Kamil Su, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi (Istanbul, Kanaat, 1978)
 Şapolyo, Enver Behnan, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi (Istanbul, Rafet Zaimler, 1966, 1978)
 Şapolyo, Enver Behnan, Türkiye Tarihi (Istanbul, İnkılap, 1960)
 Unat, Faik Reşit and Kamil Su, Tarih Kitabı II (Istanbul, Kanaat, 1954)
 Unat, Faik Reşit and Kamil Su, Tarih Kitabı III (Istanbul, Kanaat, 1950)
 Unat, Faik Reşit and Kamil Su, Tarih Kitabı I (Istanbul, Kanaat, 1954)
Culture of Religion and Morality Knowledge Books
 Aksan, Halit and S.Rona, Din Dersleri II, (Istanbul, Ders Kitapları Türk Ltd. Şti,1957)
 Armaner, Neda, Din Bilgisi (Istanbul, Maarif Basımevi, 1959)
 Beğen, İbrahim, Türk Gencinin Din Dersleri II (Istanbul, Cağaloğlu, 1964)
 Din Dersleri I, (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basımevi, 1966, 1968,1980)
 Komisyon, Din Dersleri (Istanbul, Maarif Basımevi, 1956)
 Komisyon, Din Dersleri (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basımevi, 1949)
 Komisyon, Din Dersleri II (Istanbul, Milli Eğitim Basımevi, 1961, 1962, 1965, 1980)
 Okutan, Ahmet, Din Dersleri (Istanbul, Arif Bolat Kitabevi, 1958)
 Okutan, Ahmet, Din Dersleri II (Istanbul, Arif Bolat Kitabevi, 1958)
Civics
 Aksan, Halit, Yurttaşlık Bilgisi I, (Istanbul, Ders Kitapları A.Ş, 1960)
 Aksan, Halit, Yurttaşlık Bilgisi II, (Istanbul, Ders Kitapları Türk Ltd. Şti, 1955)
 Aksan, Halit, Yurttaşlık Bilgisi III, (Istanbul, Ders Kitapları Türk Ltd. Şti, 1955)
46
 Akşit Niyazi, and Osman Eğilmez, Yurttaşlık Bilgisi (Istanbul, Remzi, 1960)
 Arkın, Mefahret and Kamil Su, Resimli Yurttaşlık Bilgisi (Istanbul, Bir Yayınevi, 1956,
1959)
 Arkın, Mefahret and Mükerrem Kamil Su, Resimli Yurttaşlık Bilgisi II (Istanbul, Bir
Yayınevi, 1956)
 Ayel Mükerrem and Niyazi Akşit, Yurttaşlık Bilgisi 5 (Istanbul, Remzi, 1967)
 Ayel Mükerrem and Niyazi Akşit, Yurttaşlık Bilgisi II (Istanbul, Ders Kitapları A.Ş, 1963,
1966)
 Ayel Mükerrem and Niyazi Akşit, Yurttaşlık Bilgisi III (Istanbul, Ders Kitapları A.Ş, 1963,
1966)
 Ergun, Ahmet and Burhan Öztürk, Yurttaşlık Bilgisi IV (Istanbul, Ders Kitapları Ticaret Ltd.
1963, 1968)
 Kurtuluş Osman and Osman Kurtuluş, Vatandaşlık Bilgisi III (Istanbul, Okul Kitapları Ltd.
Şti, 1952)
 Onoğur, Cemal, Vatandaşlık Bilgisi (Ankara, İnkılap, 1961)
 Pazarlı, Osman, Yurttaşlık Bilgisi I (Istanbul, Remzi, 1960, 1966)
 Pazarlı, Osman, Yurttaşlık Bilgisi II (Istanbul, Remzi, 1960, 1966)
 Pazarlı, Osman, Yurttaşlık Bilgisi III (Istanbul, Remzi, 1960, 1966)
 Yücel, Hasan Ali and Rakım Çalapala, Yurttaşlık Bilgisi (Istanbul, Atlas, 1957)
National Security
 Çiçekoğlu, Mustafa, Milli Güvenlik Bilgileri III (Istanbul, Kanaat, 1963)
47