crime and the news media

Polis Bilimleri Dergisi Cilt:1(3)
Turkish Journal of Police Studies Vol.:1(3)
CRIME AND THE NEWS MEDIA
Dr. Korni Swaroop KUMAR
Sociology Department
Suny College at Potsdam, Potsdam, New York, USA
Abstract
Historically, any form of news-making is an institutional method of making information
available to an audience or customers; it is located and gathered by professionals within
organizations. Essentially, news in some form reflect society, indeed, it is a “mirror of
reality” (Tuchman, 1978).
Some social scientists contend that the news media serves a valuable social function by
publicizing crime: it gives detailed information about a specific event; it continually defines
and redefines the social boundaries of norms; and of doing so, it structures public
perceptions about the nature, severity, and extent of criminal acts. Criminal acts must be
made visible (become known) by throughout society in order to strengthen and reinforce
common social values, and, in addition, continually confirming the success of social
control measures.
News-media is typically involved in supplying information and context to an audience
who may have no empirical references, i.e., no first-hand experiences of the event, no
definitely shaped or attitudes, in case of having definite attitudes, it helps the event to be
conceptualized within the existing paradigm. The media can, and does, deliver such
information, “suddenly and dramatically” (Young, 1981). Young (1981) goes on to argue
that “(the) stereotypical depiction of the atypical seems to serve (Re: Durkheimian
functionalism) to unite the population in a sense of their own moral righteousness.”
In this paper, I will attempt to present some of the ways the crime news is articulated by
news commentators and researchers/social scientists.
Key words: audience, criminal events, dissemination, news-media,
violent crime and commentators.
sensationalism,
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Polis Bilimleri Dergisi
Introduction
Social Scientists working in the field of communication argue that the news-media is
involved in supplying information and its context to an audience which may have no
empirical reference, i.e., no first-hand experience of such events, no clearly set attitudes, or
in the case of definite attitudes, the event will be conceptualized within an existing
paradigm. The news-media can (in general, and in particular), and does deliver such
information, "suddenly and dramatically" (Young, 1981). Since the early beginnings, one
of the vital functions of the news-media especially with regard to crime/s or crime news
was to publicize moral dilemmas by drawing attention to the ethical issues arising from a
specific criminal act and by offering plausible societal responses.
Crime and News-Media
Consequentially, if we as social scientists are to examine the distinct sub-category of crime
and the news-media, it is likely to produce various modes of objective as well as subjective
interpretations. However, Hall (1981) forcefully argues that crime is one wider boundary
of social consciousness involving unacceptable behavior. The literature reveals that crime
in the news-media is not uniformly of dramatic nature, much is brief and routine.
Understandably, historical interpretations indicate that crime is a permanent and recurrent
phenomenon. In addition, violent crime adds to general societal interests because violence
is a major example of news-media coverage with rather significant "negative
consequences."
Sherizen (1978) claims, "crime is an event with periodicity . . . (it involves) the
predictability of a crime as a repeating event but with changes in participants and locations
... the same old story is created but with a newness everyday.” He goes on to argue that
"crime is legitimate”; it is ultimately relevant and by such coverage, the news-media, may
perhaps fulfill their responsibility of being the dispenser of public information and
probably for public consumption.
In their analysis Cohen and Young (1981) present interesting sequence of the “criminal
event”: First, crime: all crime committed in the universe; second, crime: all crime known
to the police, this includes later stages in criminal procedure, e.g., arrest, trial, outcome of
trial; third, news value: selective institutional practices of "news-making"; fourth, crime as
news: selective portrayal of crime; and finally, public definition/s: consequences of
information derived from officials well as news-media sources. The above reflects the way
crime and news-media play an influential role in disseminating information to the general
audience/populace.
The selectivity of crime in the news-media, and/or the reason why some criminal events
are chosen in preference to others, may directly relate to the unusual as well as unique
nature and/or seriousness of the crime, its whimsical circumstances, such as humorous,
ironic, bizare; sentimental and dramatic circumstances surprisingly evoking feelings of
outrage and/or sympathy, or the involvement of a famous or high ranking/status person
Crime and the News Media (Suç ve Medya)
19
(Roshier, 1981). It is Roshier's contention that whimsical circumstances "... seem to be
probably the most important in relation to crime reporting in general".
It is equally important to understand the significant role and operational principles of
the crime reporter while securing/compiling/disseminating the data. Some social scientists
discussing the range of the available information sources including complaint or case sheet,
the radio log, reports of investigating officers, arrest books, among others (Brown, 1965).
Geberth (1990), the police investigators of homicide states that as a rule the police should
make available to news-media personnel a considerable body of information on the victim
and the immediate circumstances of the crime. Further, as a continuum of the process at
the time of arrest the investigators are instructed to release details relating to the accused
and his prior criminal record.
Discussing crime and news-media Hans Schneider (1988) contends that media
criminality involves "almost exclusively violent crime between strangers. " Further, "there
is no portrayal of violence in the family or among relatives." He continues: ". . . In most
cases the offender has a criminal record and plans his crimes carefully." It is instructive to
note that no information, data, prior (confirming) research is offered. Importantly, all
relevant as well as available data (of which I am aware) prove him empirically wrong on
every point.
The Negative Side of Crime News
Many distinct negative features of crime and the news-media reporting practices have been
articulated by commentators as well as social scientists over the years.
One of the significant negative impact of crime in the news-media has been mentioned albeit in a rather general manner by Ericson (1991) and Fishman (1981). Earlier, Friendly
and Goldfarb (1968) argue that such (crime) reporting is harmful in its impact on actual or
potential jurors by nonjudicial information and opinion. They fulminate that American
news coverage is often excessive and offensive, "pandering to the lowest taste and
unnecessary even for the most basic commercial reason." "News of . . . crime . . . murder
. . . these are what elicits interest and rivet attention," for the general populace/audience.
The existing research indicates that a vast number of commentators tend to mention that
crime in the news-media enhances the readers or viewers' perceptions of dangerousness in
the social world (Gold and Simmons, 1965; Ericson, 1991; Fishman, 1981; and Friendly
and Goldfarb, 1968). However, Young (1981) quite forcefully argues that news-media can
and do play on audience fears, such as, "Folk devils are created for moral panics . . . (for)
the mass of the population."
Crime - News-Media and Racial Biases
Historically, the issue of racial bias is a particularly a thorny issue; evidence supporting the
existence of racial bias is offered by Einstadter, 1969 (an examination of one Montana
newspaper in 1887-1888), Smith, 1984 (research based on one Birmingham, U.K.
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Polis Bilimleri Dergisi
newspaper), Lotz, 1991 (involving four newspapers in 1985 and three newspapers in 1895,
1900, 1905, 1910, 1915), Marsh, 1991 (a review of newspapers in Great Britain, Canada
and Australia, 1960-1980), and Hawkins, 1992 (the Chicago Tribune and Sun-Times in
1987), and, finally, Pritchard's (1985) content analysis of two Milwaukee dailies for 19811985. He offers no proof but he "suspects" that race was a significant predictor of story
length. He finds that black and Hispanic homicides are underreported. Lotz (1991) also
argues that some commentators believe that the news-media/press ignores black crime/s so
as not to exacerbate racial stereotypes and that, traditionally, news-media have engaged in
this practice since the turn of the century.
However, in their research Felder and Jordan (1983) and Dulaney (1969) research did
not find support for the notion of racial discrimination. Dulaney (1969) examined 26
newspapers in 26 cities in 1965 and found that 21 of the 26 gave no racial identification of
the offender; the remaining five provided racial identities, but the racial element was not
emphasized.
The almost insoluble problem in the context of crime and the news-media is how forms
of biases can be reasonably operationalized/defined/or quantified. Perhaps, the greater
identification of black versus white offenders is some measure of racial bias. The greater
length of stories involving black criminals, might similarly be considered a persuasive
measure of discrimination. As a consequence, under-coverage of crime/s committed by
blacks can be classified as an attempt not to exacerbate any form of racial stereotyping or it
may be considered to be a calculated indifference and organizational practice to ignore the
issue of black crime and criminality. Conversely, if there is more selection and
presentation of black crime compared to white crime, how is the general audience to judge
this? Is it a racist attempt to exacerbate a public view of blacks as criminals (bad) or is it a
(good) deliberate institutional decision to ignore or be indifferent to a major social
problem in the black community, namely crime?
Crime and News-Media - Sensationalizes the Real World of Crime
Historically, one of significant charge by social scientists against the news-media is that
when presenting criminal events for public consumption, it exaggerates, distorts and
sensationalizes the real world of crime (Gold and Simmons, 1965; Einstadter, 1969;
Abbott and Calonico, 1974; Combs and Scovic, 1979; Graber, 1979, 1980; Young, 1981;
Humphries, 1981; Jaehnig, et al., 1981; Felder and Jordan, 1983).
For instance, Davis (1952) analyzed four Colorado newspapers 1948-1950 and found
great variation among the papers regarding murder, manslaughter, aggravated assault and
battery. Sheley and Ashkins (1981) concluded that crime, particularly homicide, was
vastly over-employed in print and electronic media in New Orleans for three months in
1978. Marsh (1989) mentions six studies from 1893 to 1925 which found a general
tendency to sensationalize and distort crime news. He later found that newspapers in Great
Britain, Canada and Australia from 1960-1989, generally "misrepresent" crime news
(Marsh, 1991).
Crime and the News Media (Suç ve Medya)
21
While examining murder stories in five newspapers Kobre and Parks (1954) found that
only one of them "sensationalized." Difficulties in dealing with the issue of sensationalism
and exaggeration are illustrated by research from Cohen (1975) and Meyer (1976). Cohen
(1975) compared crime news in three Detroit and four Atlanta newspapers for two weeks in
1974. Detroit papers published 5,462 crime stories while Atlanta papers provided 1,322
crime stories. Detroit had twice the crime coverage than that of Atlanta. But in 1974 the
Detroit official crime rate was four times that of Atlanta, so that, in fact, the Atlanta
press/news-media gives more coverage to crime in proportion to (local) crime offenses
committed.
By using random days in 1970, Meyer (1976) examined The New York Times, a serious,
unsensationalizing newspaper and the New York Daily News, a "popular," and thought to
be more sensationalistic paper regarding coverage of crime news. He obtained 37 crime
stories covered by both papers and he found, to his surprise that The Times printed more
information bits and more column inches on crime than the Daily News. There was no
significant difference in information on the crimes and with regard to the criminal.
Historically, the news-media has often been accused of presenting crime news that were
not representative of official crime rates or also referred to as “police known and recorded
crimes.” For example, Roshier (1981), analyzed three British national dailies, plus The
News of the World and an important local paper for one month in 1938, 1955 and 1967. He
concluded that changes in crime news coverage over time was unrelated to the changes in
official crime statistics.
Often the charges are more specific, namely, that crime in the news-media is far more
apt to deal with crimes against persons - most often homicide, than with crimes against
property. Harris (1932) examined two Minneapolis dailies in 1890, 1904-5, and 1921, plus
one other daily for 1890 and 1904-5, and one other for 1921. Murder constituted 27.3% of
all crime news in 1890, 41.2% in 1904-5, and 27.1% in 1921. Antunes (1977) found that
in September 1973, homicides in Houston represented .24% of all Part I crimes but
accounted for 50% of all crime in the news-media in one Houston newspaper and 40% in
another Houston newspaper.
Sherizen's (1978) exploration of three major Chicago metropolitan papers and one
black community paper, for four months in 1975, comparing official statistics for all crime
categories to crime news coverage, found that the crime "murder/homicide" had the least
"shrinkage," i.e., the largest percentage of any crime category known to the police which
found its way into print. Graber’s (1980) study of the Chicago Tribune in 1976 concluded
that while 2% of all recorded crimes was murder, this type of crime accounted for over
26% of all crime stories in the paper. Humphries’ (1981) investigation of the New York
Post in 1951 and 1968, using a 5% sample of coverage, produced 126 crime stories; 45%
of all these "routine crime stories" dealt with serious crimes. Homicide represented 23% of
all serious crime stories in 1951 and 60% in 1968. A study of one New Orleans newspaper
and three television stations news programs in 1978 found that homicide constituted .4% of
all "Part I" crimes in the community, but accounted for 12% of all crime news in the
Polis Bilimleri Dergisi
22
newspaper and 49%, 50% and 46% of all crime stories carried on the television news
broadcasts (Sheley and Ashkins, 1981). Smith (1984) found similar over-representation of
crimes against the person in one Birmingham, U.K. newspaper. Marsh (1991) concluded
that newspapers in Great Britain, Canada and Australia, 1960-1989, "overrepresented
violent crimes."
Conclusion
It is evident from the above analysis that the presentation of crime in news-media has
invariably produced multi-dimensional misrepresentations. However, if one raises the
question as to what “purpose” does crime serves in the news-media, one can cautiously as
well as effectively argue that any form and/or type of criminal event is relevant to everyday
life in society. It is a meaningful and relevant body of information useful for most of its
audience (Scherizen, 1981; Hall, 1981). As indicated in the analysis, some social scientists
argue vehemently that the news-media fulfill their ‘major share’ of their responsibility as
public agents by the presentation of crime in the news-media.
It is also important to mention that crime coverage in the news-media is often arbitrary
and rather superficial. In conclusion, the cautious argument can be made that crime
coverage in the news-media has become a relatively stable topic in everyday news-media.
There might exist some formal and informal rules as to how those events are covered
and/or not covered. Current literature tend to indicate that violent crime is overrepresented in the news-media (Marsh , 1991). There can be no doubt that these forms of
crime coverage in the news-media is exciting and probably catches the eye of the average
audience. Some commentators argue that crime in the news-media does not portray,
furnish information or help the audience to learn in any reliable way about the nature of
crime, criminal behavior and/or crime trends (Fishman, 1981). Consequently, crime
coverage in the news-media cannot, and is not reflective of the real world of crime. Hence,
it is crucial that the associated social scientists/practitioners/journalists make a serious
attempt to devise effective means for sharing the realities of crime in the news-media, and
thus enhance the understanding of the “realities of crime” in everyday society.
Acknowledgments
Special thanks to Dr. Nuala McGann Drescher Affimative Action Leave Program of the
United University Professions, that provided support for my research activities.
Türkçe Özet
SUÇ VE MEDYA
Suç ve Medya başlıklı bu makalede suç olarak kabul edilen eylem veya olayların medya
tarafından hangi açılardan ele alarak nasıl işlediği konusu üzerinde durulur. Ağırlıklı
olarak Amerika. Kanada ve bazı Avrupa ülkelerinde daha önceleri medya üzerine yapılmış
olan bazı araştırma ve yayınları inceleyen bu yazıda medyanın 'suçu haberleştirmesinde'
ortak bazı yönlerin olduğu ortaya çıkmaktadır. Her ne kadar bu araştırmada doğrudan Türk
Crime and the News Media (Suç ve Medya)
23
medyasından söz edilmemişse de, bu özelliklerin, medyacılığın doğal sonucu olarak Türk
medyasında da var olduğu görülmektedir.
'Haber' bilginin sistematik olarak işlendiği ve 'müşteri'ye, yani okuyucuya, sunulduğu
bir çıktıdır. Bir olayın veya bilginin haber olması için, bazı sistematik işlemlerden geçmesi
gereklidir. Bunlar kısaca 'bilgiyi elde etme', işleyip değerlendirerek 'habere dönüştürme' ve
'müşteriye sunma' şeklinde üç temel aşamada gerçekleşir. Ancak etrafımızda gerçekleşen
ve kamuoyunu da fazla ilgilendiren bir çok olay haber haline gelmemekte ve okuyucuya
sunulmamaktadır.
Bu alanda yapılan çalışmalar gerçek dünyada meydana gelen olaylardan sadece
bazılarının belli bir seçme eleme, değerlendirme süreci sonunda haber olarak medyada yer
aldığını göstermektedir. Bir yandan, belki de kamu için oldukça önemli olan bazı olaylar
görülmez veya görülmezlikten gelinirken, öte yandan belki de kamu için gerçek anlamda
çok da önemli olmayan rutin ve sıradan bir olay medya tarafından seçilerek işlenmekte ve
haberleştirilmektedir. Hangi olayın işlenmeğe ve haber olmağa (newsworthisess) değer
olduğu, hangi olayları ise haber olması gerekmediği bir yayın organının sahip olduğu
dünya görüşü ile doğrudan ilişkilidir.
Araştırmanın ortaya çıkarttığı sonuçlardan bir diğerine göre suç konusunda medyada
yer alan haberler ve yayınlar her zaman halkın bilmesinde yarar olan olaylar olmadığı gibi
gerçek dünyayı yansıtmaktan da çok uzaktır. Medya suç ile ilgili haberleri her zaman
biraz, belki de oldukça fazla, 'abartmakta', 'saptırmakta' ve 'sansasyonelleştirmektedir'. Bu
da doğal olarak kamunun kendisi için gerçekten önemli olan bir konuda sağlıklı bilgi
edinememesi sonucunu doğurmaktadır.
Bu noktadan hareketle, bazı araştırmacılar, medyayı suç ile ilgili haberleri sağlıklı bir
şekilde vermemekle itham etmektedirler. Bu görüşün savunucularına göre medya suçun
azlığı ve çokluğu, suçun içeriği ve hangi davranışın normal veya anormal görülmesi
gerektiği gibi konularda kamu oyunu sağlıklı bilgilendirmemekte ve yanlış
yönlendirmektedir. Öte yandan, medyanın suç ile ilgili yapmış olduğu haberler ile kamuya
bu alanda gerekli olan bilgiyi sunarak görevini sağlıklı bir şekilde yerine getirdiğine
inanan araştırmacılar da bulunmaktadır.
Suç ve Medya başlıklı bu makalede suç olarak kabul edilen eylem veya olayların medya
tarafından hangi açılardan ele alarak nasıl işlediği konusu üzerinde durulur. Ağırlıklı
olarak Amerika. Kanada ve bazı Avrupa ülkelerinde daha önceleri medya üzerine yapılmış
olan bazı araştırma ve yayınları inceleyen bu yazıda medyanın 'suçu haberleştirmesinde'
ortak bazı yönlerin olduğu ortaya çıkmaktadır. Her ne kadar bu araştırmada doğrudan Türk
medyasından söz edilmemişse de, bu özelliklerin, medyacılığın doğal sonucu olarak Türk
medyasında da var olduğu görülmektedir.
'Haber' bilginin sistematik olarak işlendiği ve 'müşteri'ye, yani okuyucuya, sunulduğu
bir çıktıdır. Bir olayın veya bilginin haber olması için, bazı sistematik işlemlerden geçmesi
gereklidir. Bunlar kısaca 'bilgiyi elde etme', işleyip değerlendirerek 'habere dönüştürme' ve
'müşteriye sunma' şeklinde üç temel aşamada gerçekleşir. Ancak etrafımızda gerçekleşen
24
Polis Bilimleri Dergisi
ve kamuoyunu da fazla ilgilendiren bir çok olay haber haline gelmemekte ve okuyucuya
sunulmamaktadır.
Bu alanda yapılan çalışmalar gerçek dünyada meydana gelen olaylardan sadece
bazılarının belli bir seçme eleme, değerlendirme süreci sonunda haber olarak medyada yer
aldığını göstermektedir. Bir yandan, belki de kamu için oldukça önemli olan bazı olaylar
görülmez veya görülmezlikten gelinirken, öte yandan belki de kamu için gerçek anlamda
çok da önemli olmayan rutin ve sıradan bir olay medya tarafından seçilerek işlenmekte ve
haberleştirilmektedir. Hangi olayın işlenmeğe ve haber olmağa (newsworthisess) değer
olduğu, hangi olayları ise haber olması gerekmediği bir yayın organının sahip olduğu
dünya görüşü ile doğrudan ilişkilidir.
Araştırmanın ortaya çıkarttığı sonuçlardan bir diğerine göre suç konusunda medyada
yer alan haberler ve yayınlar her zaman halkın bilmesinde yarar olan olaylar olmadığı gibi
gerçek dünyayı yansıtmaktan da çok uzaktır. Medya suç ile ilgili haberleri her zaman
biraz, belki de oldukça fazla, 'abartmakta', 'saptırmakta' ve 'sansasyonelleştirmektedir'. Bu
da doğal olarak kamunun kendisi için gerçekten önemli olan bir konuda sağlıklı bilgi
edinememesi sonucunu doğurmaktadır.
Bu noktadan hareketle, bazı araştırmacılar, medyayı suç ile ilgili haberleri sağlıklı bir
şekilde vermemekle itham etmektedirler. Bu görüşün savunucularına göre medya suçun
azlığı ve çokluğu, suçun içeriği ve hangi davranışın normal veya anormal görülmesi
gerektiği gibi konularda kamu oyunu sağlıklı bilgilendirmemekte ve yanlış
yönlendirmektedir. Öte yandan, medyanın suç ile ilgili yapmış olduğu haberler ile kamuya
bu alanda gerekli olan bilgiyi sunarak görevini sağlıklı bir şekilde yerine getirdiğine
inanan araştırmacılar da bulunmaktadır.
Crime and the News Media (Suç ve Medya)
25
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