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History Studies - Université de Mascara
History Studies International Journal of History ACADEMIC JOURNAL History Studies Dergisi, dört ayda bir yayınlanan uluslararası hakemli bir dergidir. History Studies Dergisi‟nde yayınlanan tüm yazıların, dil, bilim ve hukuki acıdan bütün sorumluluğu yazarlarına, yayın hakları History Studies dergisine aittir. Yayıncının yazılı izni olmaksızın kısmen veya tamamen herhangi bir Ģekilde basılamaz, çoğaltılamaz. Yayın Kurulu dergiye gönderilen yazıları yayınlayıp yayınlamamakta serbesttir. Gönderilen yazılar iade edilmez. History Studies EBSCO indeksi tarafından taranmaktadır. ISSN: 1309 - 4688 (Print) 1309 - 4173 (Online) Samsun Ekim 2010 Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 History Studies International Journal of History ACADEMIC JOURNAL Guest Editors Prof. Dr. MUSTAFA OZTURK Professor William W. HADDAD Editor Assoc. Prof. Dr. Osman KOSE Ondokuz Mayis University, Faculty of Education, Atakum, Samsun, TURKEY Tel: +90 362 445 01 18 Fax: +90 362 445 0300 E-mail: [email protected] Web: historystudies.net History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 HISTORY STUDIES Uluslararsası Hakemli Dergi HISTORY STUDIES International Journal of History Sahibi Osman KÖSE Owner Osman KOSE Misafir Editörler Mustafa ÖZTÜRK William W. HADDAD Guest Editor Mustafa OZTURK William W. HADDAD Editor Osman KÖSE Editor Osman KÖSE Editör Yardımcısı Sibel ÜST Associate Editor Sibel ÜST Genel Koordinatör Mehmet Dursun ERDEM General Coordinator Mehmet Dursun ERDEM Genel Koordinatör Yardımcısı Önder DUMAN Associate General Coordinator Onder DUMAN iletişim Koordinatörü Mehmet KOCER M. Bilal CELIK Correspondence Coordinator Mehmet KOCER M. Bilal CELIK Manager Bünyamin KOCAOĞLU Manager Bunyamin KOCAOĞLU Yardımcı Manager Ġbrahim Etem ÇAKIR Yahya YEġILYURT Associate Manager Ibrahim Etem CAKIR Yahya YESILYURT Kapak Tasarımı Ali SEYLAN Cover Design Ali SEYLAN Yurtdışı Yayınlar Genel Koordinatörü Ömer TURAN General Coordinator of Foreign Editors Omer TURAN Yönetim Kurulu Tamer BALCĠ - Ilhan EKINCI - Kemalettin KUZUCU - Hasan BABACAN - Necmettin ALKAN -Mehmet BESIRLI Mehmet Yasar ERTAS - Mustafa COLAK - Feridun ATASelim OZCAN - Hasim SAHIN- Zafer GOLEN - Zubeyde G. YAGCI – Mehmet AYDIN - Behset KARACA - Umit EKIN Bayram NAZIR - Erol KAYA – Rıza KARAGOZ - Pelin ISKENDER - M. Fatih SANCAKTAR -Mucize UNLU – Telli KORKMAZ - Yucel YIĞIT- M. Emre KILICARSLAN - Tuba KARA – Derya DEMIREL - Turkan POLATCI Board of Managers Tamer BALCĠ - Ilhan EKINCI - Kemalettin KUZUCU Hasan BABACAN - Necmettin ALKAN - Mehmet BESIRLI Mehmet Yasar ERTAS - Mustafa COLAK - Feridun ATA Selim OZCAN - Hasim SAHIN- Zafer GOLEN - Zubeyde G. YAGCI - Mehmet AYDIN - Behset KARACA - Umit EKIN Bayram NAZIR - Erol KAYA - Rıza KARAGOZ - Pelin ISKENDER - M. Fatih SANCAKTAR -Mucize UNLU - Telli KORKMAZ - Yucel YIĞIT- M. Emre KILICARSLAN - Tuba KARA - Derya DEMIREL - Turkan POLATCI Danışma Kurulu Nedim ĠPEK - Mehmet ÖZ - Yavuz ÜNAL - Dursun Ali AKBULUT - Mehmet Ali ÜNAL - Hikmet ÖKSÜZ - Salim CÖHCE - Turhan KAÇAR - Metin AYIġIĞI - Mehmet ALPARGU - Azmi ÖZCAN - Mustafa DEMĠR - Ömer TURAN – Abdullah GÜNDOĞDU - Cevdet YILMAZ - Haluk SELVĠ - Arif BĠLGĠN - Yücel ÖZTURK - Fahri SAKAL - Enis ġAHĠN Consulting Board Nedim IPEK - Mehmet OZ - Yavuz UNAL - Dursun Ali AKBULUT - Mehmet Ali UNAL - Hikmet OKSUZ - Salim COHCE - Turhan KACAR - Metin AYISIGI - Mehmet ALPARGU - Azmi OZCAN - Mustafa DEMIR - Omer TURAN - Abdullah GUNDOĞDU - Cevdet YILMAZ - Haluk SELVI - Arif BILGIN - Yucel OZTURK - Fahri SAKAL Enis SAHIN History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 HISTORY STUDIES Uluslarası Haklemli Dergi ORTADOĞU ÖZEL SAYISI HAKEMLERİ / 2010 HISTORY STUDIES International Journal of History REFREES FOR MIDDLE EAST SPECIAL ISSUE / 2010 Dr. Abdullah Ġlgazi Dumlupınar Üniversitesi Dr. Abdullah Ġlgazi Dumlupinar University Dr. Abdülmecit Mutaf Balıkesir Üniversitesi Dr. Abdulmecit Mutaf Balıkesir University Dr. Ali Kozan NevĢehir Üniversitesi Dr. Ali Kozan Nevsehir University Dr. Bayram Nazır GümüĢhane Üniversitesi Dr. Bayram Nazir GumuĢhane University Dr. Behçet Kemal YeĢilbursa Abant Ġzzet Baysal Üniversitesi Dr. Behcet Kemal Yesilbursa Abant Ġzzset Baysal University Dr. Bilgin Çelik Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi Dr. Bilgin Celik Dokuz Eylul University Dr.Bünyamin Kocaoğlu Sakarya Üniversitesi Dr. Bunyamin Kocaoglu Sakarya University Dr. Fahri Sakal Ondokuz Mayıs Üniversitesi Dr. Fahri Sakal Ondokuz Mayis University Dr. Faruk Doğan Kırklareli Üniversitesi Dr. Faruk Dogan Kirklareli University Dr. Gökhan Koçer Karadeniz Teknik Üniversitesi Dr. Gokhan Kocer Karadeniz Teknik University Dr. ülĢah Kurt Güveloğlu Rize Üniversitesi Dr. Gulsah Kurt Guveloglu Rize University Dr. Güray Kırpık Gazi Üniversitesi Dr. Guray Kirpik Gazi University Dr. Hakkı BüyükbaĢ Erciyes Üniversitesi Dr. Hakki Buyukbas Erciyes University Dr. Halil Erdemir Celal Bayar Üniversitesi Dr. Halil Erdemir Celal Bayar University Dr. Haluk Selvi Sakarya Üniversitesi Dr. Haluk Selvi Sakarya University Dr. Hasan Babacan Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Dr. Hasan Babacan Afyon Kocatepe University Dr. HaĢim ġahin Sakarya Üniversitesi Dr. Hasim Sahin Sakarya University History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 Dr. Havva Selçuk Erciyes Üniversitesi Dr. Havva Selcuk Erciyes University Dr. Hayati AktaĢ Karadeniz Teknik Üniversitesi Dr. Hayati Aktas Karadeniz Teknik University Dr. Hayri Çapraz Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Dr. Hayri Capraz Suleyman Demirel University Dr. Hikmet Öksüz Karadeniz Teknik Üniversitesi Dr. Hikmet Oksuz Karadeniz Teknik University Dr. Ġlhan Ekinci Ordu Üniversitesi Dr. Ilhan Ekinci Ordu University Dr. Kemal DaĢcıoğlu Pamukkale Üniversitesi Dr. Kemal Dascıoglu Pamukkale University Dr. Kemal Ġnat Sakarya Üniversitesi Dr. Kemal Ġnat Sakarya University Dr. Kemalettin Kuzucu Trakya Üniversitesi Dr. Kemalettin Kuzucu Trakya University Dr. Mehmet Aydın Ondokuz Mayıs Üniversitesi Dr. Mehmet Aydin Ondokuz Mayis University Dr. Mehmet Köçer Ondokuz Mayıs Üniversitesi Dr. Mehmet Kocer Ondokuz Mayis University Dr. Mustafa Çolak Mustafa Kemal Üniversitesi Dr. Mustafa Colak Mustafa Kemal University Dr. Mustafa Öztürk Fırat Üniversitesi Dr. Mustafa Ozturk Firat University Dr. Nurgül Bozkurt Kütahya Dumlupınar Üniversitesi Dr. Nurgul Bozkurt Kutahya Dumlupinar University Dr. Orhan Yazıcı Ġnönü Üniversitesi Dr. Orhan Yazici Inonu University Dr. Önder Duman Sakarya Üniversitesi Dr. Onder Duman Sakarya University Dr. Rıza Karagöz Ondokuz Mayıs Üniversitesi Dr. Rıza Karagoz Ondokuz Mayis University Dr. Sadullah Gülten Ordu Üniversitesi Dr. Sadullah Gulten Ordu University Dr. Selim Özcan Amasya Üniversitesi Dr. Selim Ozcan Amasya University Dr. Sezai Balcı Giresun Üniversitesi Dr. Sezai Balci Giresun University Dr. Süleyman Ġnan Pamukkale Üniversitesi Dr. Suleyman Inan Pamukkale University History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 Dr. Timuçin Kodaman Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Dr. Timucin Kodaman Suleyman Demirel University Dr. Turhan Kaçar Pamukkale Üniversitesi Dr. Turhan Kacar Pamukkale University Dr. Yunus Özger Bozok Üniversitesi Dr. Yunus Ozger Bozok University Dr. Yusuf Kılıç Pamukkale Üniversitesi Dr. Yusuf Kilic Pamukkale University Dr. Yücel Yiğit Balıkesir Üniversitesi Dr. Yucel Yigit Balikesir University Dr. Zafer Gölen Mehmet Akif Ersoy Üniversitesi Dr. Zafer Golen Mehmet Akif Ersoy University Dr. Zübeyde GüneĢ Yağcı Balıkesir Üniversitesi Dr. Zubeyde Gunes Yagcl Balıikesir University History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 MĠSAFĠR EDĠTÖR PRESENTATION OF THE GUEST EDITOR Prof. Dr. Mustafa ÖZTÜRK’ün TAKDĠMĠ Professor OZTURK Orta Doğu Üzerine On the Middle-East Siyasî bir terim olan Orta-Doğu, 19. yüzyılda Ġngiltere tarafından kullanılan bir terimdir. Bilindiği gibi Doğu olarak anılan 3 bölge vardır. Bunlar; Yakındoğu, Ortadoğu ve Uzakdoğu. Bütün bu bölgelerin mihveri Ġngiltere’dir. Yakın, orta ve uzak tabirleri Ġngiltere’ye göredir. Ama bu tabirler günümüz siyasî edebiyatına girmiĢtir. Her ne kadar Ortadoğu’nun sınırları üzerinde tam bir mutabakat yok ise de, ekseriyet tarafından kabul edilen Ortadoğu; Basra Körfezi, Akdeniz ve Kızıldeniz ile sınırlı olan bugünkü Suriye, Irak, Filistin, Ürdün, Lübnan, Suudi Arabistan, Yemen ve Körfez emirliklerini içine alan bölgedir. Buna Türkiye, Ġran, Mısır ve Libya’yı da dahil eden görüĢler vardır. I. Dünya SavaĢına kadar Yunanistan, Bulgaristan, Levant (Doğu Akdeniz kıyıları: Lübnan, Suriye) ve Mısır, Yakındoğu kavramıyla ifade edilirken savaĢtan sonra Mezopotamya, Arap Yarımadası, Ġran ve bazen de Afganistan’ı da kapsayacak Ģekilde, Ortadoğu terimiyle Yakındoğu’nun yerini aldı. Ortadoğu daha çok Libya’nın doğusundan Pakistan’a kadar uzanan, Asya’nın güneybatısı ile Afrika’nın kuzey doğusunu içerisine alan bir bölgenin adı olmuĢtur. Bu durumda Mısır, Arap Yarımadası, Verimli Hilal Ülkeleri (Irak, Suriye, Lübnan, Filistin), Türkiye, Ġran ve Afganistan’ı içine alan bir coğrafi bölge olmaktadır. Bazı yazarlar, ırk unsurunu dikkate alıp Türkiye, Ġran ve Afganistan’ı Ortadoğu’nun kapsamından ayırarak, Arap ırkının hâkim unsur olduğu bölgeyi Arap Ortadoğu’su kavramıyla karĢılamaktadırlar1. Bize göre Orta Doğu kavramı, yakın zamanlarda 1 Middle-East is a political term used by England in 19th century. As known, there are three regions that are referred as East. These are Near-East, Middle-East and FarEast. The axis of all these regions is England. The expressions of Near, Middle and Far are as to English. But these expressions have come into today’s political literature. Although there is no complete agreement on the borders of the MiddleEast, Middle-East accepted by the majority is the region, which is limited to Arabian Gulf, Mediterranean, and Red Sea, comprising of today’s Syria, Iraq, Palestine, Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and the Gulf Emirates. However, there are some opinions which include Turkey, Iran, Egypt and Libya in this region. Until the First World War, Greece, Bulgaria, the Levant (the coast of eastern Mediterranean: Lebanon, Syria) and Egypt were being expressed with the concept of Near-East but after the war this concept was replaced with Middle-East covering Mesopotamia, the Arabic Peninsula, Iran and sometimes Afghanistan. Middle-East has become the name of the region extending from the east of Libya to Pakistan and including northern Africa and southwest Asia. In this case, it becomes a wide geographical region covering Egypt, The Arabian Peninsula, Fertile Crescent Countries (Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Palestine), Turkey, Iran and Afghanistan. Some authors taking the racial factor into account separate Turkey, Iran and Afghanistan from the scope of Middle-East and make use of the concept of Arabian Davut Dursunoğlu, Ortadoğu Neresi, İstanbul 1995, s. 15, 16 History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 mahiyet değiştirmiş ve Orta Doğu, siyasî ve coğrafî anlamından ziyade İslam coğrafyası ve kültürünü ifade eden bir terim haline gelmiştir. Bugün Orta Doğu kavramı, İslam Dünyası ile özdeş hale gelmiş, bu kavramdan İslam Dünyası anlaşılmaktadır. Dikkat edilirse Ortadoğu; Asya, Avrupa ve Afrika’yı kara ve deniz yolları ile birbirine bağlayan çok önemli bir konumdadır. Fırat ve Dicle’nin suladığı Mezopotamya ve Nil’in suladığı Mısır’da ilk büyük medeniyetler kurulmuĢtur. Kramers’in eserine ilham kaynağı olduğu gibi, tarih Sümer’de baĢlamıĢtır. Üç büyük kitabî din (Yahudilik, Hıristiyanlık, Ġslamiyet) burada doğmuĢtur. Ortadoğu ile ilgisi olmayan, Ortadoğu siyasetinden, iktisadî ve kültürel tarihinden etkilenmeyen hiçbir oluĢum veya bölge yok gibidir. Neredeyse insanlık tarihi Ortadoğu tarihi demektir. GeçmiĢte bu derecede önemli olan Ortadoğu, günümüzde de önemini korumaktadır ve gelecekte de koruyacaktır. Coğrafî özellikleri itibariyle bütün Ortadoğu aynı tarihî/coğrafî seyri göstermemiĢtir. Öncelikle Ortadoğu coğrafyasını iki ana bölüme ayırmak daha doğru olacaktır. Birincisi, Doğu Akdeniz’den, yani bugünkü Suriye, Lübnan ve Ġsrail’den baĢlayıp Ürdün ve Irak’ı içine alıp Basra Körfezi’ne ulaĢan bölüm, ikincisi de bu bölgenin daha güneyi, Akabe Körfezi’nden Basra Körfezi’ne uzanan çizginin güneyi olan Arap Yarımadası (bugünkü Suudi Arabistan, Yemen ve Körfez emirlikleri) bölümüdür. Birinci bölüm, yani bugünkü Doğu Akdeniz-Basra kesimi tarih boyunca çevresinde kurulan üç büyük gücün himayesinde geliĢmiĢtir. Bunlar doğuda Ġran, kuzeyde Anadolu ve güneybatıda Mısır’dır. Anadolu’da ilk büyük devlet kuran Hititler, 5 Middle-East for the region dominant in Arabian race5. To us, the nature of the Middle-East concept has changed recently and Middle-East has become the term denoting Islamic geography and culture rather than its meaning in politics and geography. Note that Middle-East is in a very important position linking Asia, Europe and Africa each other with land and sea routes. The first great civilizations were founded in Mesopotamia watered by the Euphrates and the Tigris and in Egypt by the Nile. As it becomes the source of inspiration in Kramer’s work, history begins at Sumer. Three great book-learned religions (Judaism, Christianity and Islam) were born in here. There seems to be no region or formation which is not related to MiddleEast and not affected by the politics, economic and cultural history of the MiddleEast. History of Middle-East means nearly the history of humanity. Middle-East which was very important in the past maintains its importance today and it will remain so in the future. The whole Middle-East has not shown the same historical and geographical trend in terms of geographical features. It will be better to divide the Middle-East into two main regions. The first part comprises of the region starting from east Mediterranean; today’s Syria, Lebanon and Israel and covering Jordan and Iraq and finally reaching the Gulf of Basra. The second part is Arabian Peninsula (today’s Saudi Arabia, Yemen and the Gulf Emirates) which stands in the south of line extending from the Gulf of Aqaba to the Gulf of Basra. The first region, today’s east Mediterranean-Basra section, has developed Davut Dursunoğlu, Ortadoğu Neresi, Ġstanbul 1995, p. 15, 16 History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 ġam’a kadar yayıldılar. Arkasından Anadolu’ya sahip olan Roma, bütün Doğu Akdeniz, Mısır ve doğuda da Musul, Kerkük’e kadar uzandı. Roma’nın varisi olan Bizans da aynı hatta kaldı. Doğuda Pers ve Sasaniler Irak’ı uzun yüzyıllar ellerinde tuttular. Güneyde Mısır Firavunları döneminde Kudüs ve Filistin çoğunlukla Mısır’ın himayesindeydi. Hatta Firavunlar bazan ġam’a kadar gelmekteydiler. Firavunlardan çok sonra Mısır’da kurulan Memluklar da bütün Suriye’yi alarak Anadolu sınırlarına dayandılar. Dikkat edilirse bu bölge tarih boyunca iki büyük gücün etki alanında kalmıĢtır. Yani Suriye ve Irak, tarihte ya Anadolu veya Ġran merkezli güçlerin etkisinde kalmıĢtır. Hatta Ġran daha çok Irak’ın güneyine, Anadolu ise Kuzey Suriye ve Kuzey Irak’ta etkili olmuĢtur2. ġam merkezli bir güç, hiç bir zaman Mısır’a veya Anadolu’ya hâkim olamamıĢtır. Bilakis Anadolu veya Mısır merkezli güçler bu bölgeye hâkim olmuĢ, tarihî seyri içinde zaman zaman el değiĢtirmiĢtir. Hatta Şam’ın güneyi Mısır’ın, Kuzeyi de Anadolu’nun etki alanı olarak kabul edilebilir. Keza doğuda Bağdat merkezli bir gücün Anadolu veya Ġran’a hâkim olduğu görülmemektedir. Aksine Bağdat daima Ġran veya Anadolu’nun etki alanında olmuĢtur. Ortadoğu’nun ikinci kısmı olan Güney bölgesi Hicaz, kuzeye göre daha Ģanslıdır. Akabe Körfezi’nden Basra Körfezi’ne uzanan çizginin güneyinde çöl iklimi bütün özellikleri ile görülmektedir. Bu bakımdan bu çöl iklimi ve tabiî coğrafyası, aynı zamanda bölgeye tabiî bir koruma sağlamaktadır. Etrafında tarihe yön veren büyük devletler kurulurken, yıkılırken, büyük geliĢmeler meydana under the auspices of three great powers founded around it throughout the history. These are Iran in the east, Anatolia in the north and Egypt in the southwest. Hittites establishing the first great state in Anatolia spread up to Damascus. Then, Rome possessing Anatolia reached out to the whole east Mediterranean, Egypt, Mosul in the east and Kirkuk. Byzantium, the heir of Rome, remained at the same line. Persia and Sassanid in the east possessed Iraq for many centuries. In the south, during the period of Pharaohs of Egypt, Jerusalem and Palestine were mostly under the auspices of Egypt. Pharaohs sometimes came even up to Damascus. Long after the Pharaohs, Mamluks founded in Egypt reached to Anatolian borders by invading the whole Syria. It should be noted that this region remained in the domain of two great powers throughout the history. In other words, Syria and Iraq remained in the domain of either Anatolia or Iranian-centred powers. Furthermore, Iran was mostly effective in the south of Iraq while Anatolia was in the north of Syria and the north of Iraq6. Any Damascus-based power could never dominate Egypt or Anatolia. On the contrary, Anatolia and Egypt – based powers dominated this region and it was replaced at times throughout the history. Moreover, it could be accepted that Anatolia was effective even in the south of Damascus and the north of Egypt. Likewise, any power based on Baghdad in the east never dominated Anatolia or Iran. On the contrary, Baghdad was always in the domain of Anatolia or Iran. The second part of Middle-East, the 2 Anadolu ile ġam-Bağdat hattının kuzeyi yani bugünkü Suriye ile Kuzey Irak’ın kader birliği tarihin ilk dönemlerine kadar iner. Yerin altındaki arkeolojik tabakalar bile iki bölgenin aynı tarih ve kültürü paylaĢtığını göstermektedir. Hitit arkeolojik kalıntıları bütün Kuzey Suriye’de, Kuzey Irak merkezli Asur tüccarlarının tabletleri, borç senetleri ve her türlü alıĢ-veriĢlerine ait arkeolojik buluntular Orta Anadolu’da, Kayseri’de görülmektedir. Uzun tarihî süreçte, bu bölgedeki halklar da birbirine karıĢmıĢ, etkilenmiĢ, aynı kaderi paylaĢmıĢtır. Bunun içindir ki, bölge halklarının günlük hayatları arasında da çok önemli bir fark yoktur. History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 gelirken (kuzeyinde Sümer, Babil, Ġran’da Pers, Sasani, Anadolu’da Roma, Bizans, batısında Mısır’da Firavunlar dönemi Mısır’ı) bölge hiç bir zaman iĢgal edilmemiĢtir. Çünkü çöl coğrafyası, iĢgallere karĢı tabiî bir engel oluĢturmaktadır3. Dolayısıyla çöl Ģartları, bölgeye tabiî bir koruma sağlamıĢtır. Buradaki kabile reisleri de tabiî olarak etraflarındaki güçlere tâbi olmuĢlardır. Ya Roma’nın veya Mısır’ın tabiîyetini tanımıĢlardır. Suriye ve Filistin’i ele geçiren Selçukluların hâkimiyeti Yemen’e kadar uzanıyordu. Ama hâkimiyet savaĢlar yoluyla değil tabiîyetini tanıma yoluyla olmuĢtur. Osmanlı hâkimiyetinden önce Memluklu hâkimiyetinde olan Hicaz, Osmanlı devletinin Mısır’ı ilhakı ile Osmanlı Devletine tabiîyetlerini bildirmiĢlerdir. Yoksa Osmanlı ordularının Hicaz’a seferleri yoktur4. Bu yönüyle bakıldığından Orta Doğu tarihi, insanlık tarihi demektir. Hemen her kavmin tarihi Ģu ya da bu Ģekilde Orta Doğu ile iliĢkilidir. Dünya tarih ve medeniyetine yön veren bütün geliĢmeler (ilk devletler, ilk imparatorluklar, yazı, ateĢ, ilk yerleĢik düzene geçiĢ, ilk kanunlar, bugün dünya nüfusunun yarıdan fazlasının dinî temelleri ve daha nice ilkler) Orta Doğu’da meydana gelmiĢtir. south region Hijaz, is luckier than the north. The desert climate is seen with all its features in the south of the line extending from the Gulf of Aqaba to the Gulf of Basra. For this reason, this desert climate and the natural geography provides a natural protection for the region. The region could never been invaded while great developments occurred and great states were founded and ruined around it. (Sumer and Babylon in the north, Persia and Sasanian in Iran, Rome and Byzantine in Anatolia, Egypt during the period of Pharaohs in the west). Because the desert climate constitutes a natural obstacle against the invasions7.Therefore, desert conditions provided a natural protection for the region. The tribal chiefs were naturally subjected to the forces around them. They recognized the sovereignty of either Egypt or Rome. The Seljuk domination which possessed Syria and Palestine stretched out to Yemen. Bur sovereignty has been obtained through recognition of the dominance, not through the wars. Hijaz ,which was under the domination of Mameluk before Ottoman domination, reported its citizenship to Ottoman state with Ottoman’s annexation of Egypt. However, Ottoman armies did not 6 The shared destiny between Anatolia and the north of Damascus- Baghdad line, today’s Syria and nothern Iraq, goes back to the first period of history. Even the archeological layers under the ground indicate that two regions share the same history and culture. The archeological remains of Hittites are available throughout northern Syria and in the same way, all archeological finds related to purchase, debt securities and northern Iraq based tablets of Assyrian merchants are in the central-Anatolia, Kayseri. People living in these regions were affected and interacted to each other and shared the same destiny in the long historical process. That is why there is no significant difference among the people and their daily lives. 3 Tabiî korumaya baĢka bir örnek de Rusya coğrafyasıdır. Rusya coğrafyası da soğuk iklim karakteri ile tabiî bir korumaya sahiptir. Napolyon’un Rusya seferinde ve her iki Dünya SavaĢında da Rusya’yı koruyan, soğuk kıĢ mevsimi ve kar olmuĢtur. 4 Orta Doğu hakkında son bir çalıĢmamız için Bkz. “Orta Doğu (Kavram, Jeopolitik ve Sosyo-Ekonomik Durum”, Fırat Üniversitesi Orta Doğu Araştırmaları Dergisi I/1, Elazığ 2003, s. 253-265 7 Another example for the natural protection is the geography of Russia. Russian geography has also got a natural protection with its cold climate. It was cold winter season and snow to protect Russia in both World Wars and Napoleon’s occasion . History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 Orta Doğu eski dünyanın en önemli deniz ve karayollarının kavĢağında olduğu için, dünya ticaretinin merkezi idi. Onun için petrolün bilinmediği antik dönemden beri Orta Doğu çok önemliydi, çünkü dünyanın merkezindeydi. Bu uzun tarihî süreç, Orta Doğu’yu halklar, dinler ve diller halitası yapmıĢtır. Bu farklılıklar aslında Orta Doğu’nun zenginliğidir ama aynı zamanda bugün zaaf içinde olan Orta Doğu’nun ayrılık unsurlarıdır. History Studies Dergisi’nin bu sayısını Orta Doğu’ya hasretmesini çok anlamlı ve yerinde görüyorum. Bu irade gösteren Sayın Editörümüz Doç. Dr. Osman KÖSE’ye, lütfedip makale gönderen kıymetli meslektaĢlarıma Ģükranlarımı arz ederim. Saygılarımla. Prof. Dr. Mustafa ÖZTÜRK have an occasion to Hijaz8. History of Middle-East is the history of humanity from this point of view. The history of almost every nation is associated with the Middle-East. All developments shaping the history and civilization of the world (the first states, the first empires, writing, fire, transition to the first settledlife, the first laws, the religious foundations of more than half of today’s world population and many more firsts) occurred in the Middle-East. Middle-East was the centre of the world trade as it’s on the crossroads of the most important sea and roads of the old world. Therefore, Middle-East had been very important since antiquity when petroleum was not known because it was in the centre of the world. This long historical process has made the Middle-East the map of peoples, religions and languages. These differences are in fact the wealth of the Middle-East but also they are the factors of separation of Middle-East which is in weakness today. I believe it is very significant and appropriate that this issue of History Studies is devoted to the Middle-East. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to our editor Assoc. Prof. Dr. Osman KOSE and to my precious colleagues having sent article to the journal. Yours respectfully. Prof. Dr. Mustafa OZTURK 8 See for a recent study about the Middle-East. "The Middle East (Concept, Geopolitical and SocioEconomic Status", Fırat University Journal of Middle East Studies I / 1, Elazig, 2003, p. 253-265 History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 MĠSAFĠR EDĠTÖR Professor William W. HADDAD’ın TAKDĠMĠ History Studies’in Orta Doğu üzerine hazırlanan özel sayısının misafir editörlüğünü bir Ģeref addediyorum. Ġngilizce ve Türkçe yayımlanan harika makalelerin sayısı Türkiye ve diğer yerlerdeki bilim insanlarının Arap ve Müslüman dünyasına verdikleri önemi açıkça ortaya koymaktadır. Osmanlı dönemi boyunca Arap ve Müslüman dünyasının geçmiĢinde Türklerin çok fazla ilgisinden değil çok az ilgisinden muzdarip olduğunu ilk kez ileri süren öğrencisi olmaktan gurur duyduğum Zeine N. Zeine idi. History Studies’in bu sayısı bu bakıĢ açısını yansıtmaktadır: Orta Doğunun meselelerine uyum sağlamak Türkiye için hayati bir durumdur çünkü Batı için köprü ve Arap devletleri için modern bir Müslüman ülke modeli olarak hizmet edecek eĢsiz niteliklere sahiptir. Ġngilizce olarak yayımlanan makalelerin her biri büyük önem taĢımaktadır. M. Taibi Ghomari tarafından Cezayir üzerine yayımlanan çalıĢma politik arena bağlamında Ġslami bir örgütün nasıl tekâmül edeceğini ortaya koymaktadır. Samuel J. Kuruvilla’nın Kudüs’ün Hıristiyan toplumları ve onların Ġsrail iĢgali altında yaĢadıkları sıkıntılar ile Avrupalı Ģovenistler tarafından bastırılmaları üzerine olan çalıĢması Türkiye’nin ilgisini ön plana çıkarmaktadır. Ve son olarak Elvan Özdemir’in Türkiye’nin dıĢ iliĢkileri üzerine olan makalesi politik olarak aktif olan bir Türkiye’den gelebilecek olumlu etkileri tartıĢmaktadır. Makalelerin her biri ayrı ayrı önemlidir ve editör olarak bunlarla münasebette olmaktan ve okuyucuya ulaĢmasına vesile olmaktan büyük bir memnuniyet duymaktayım. Professor William W. Haddad California State Üniversitesi, Fullerton PRESENTATION OF THE GUEST EDITOR Professor HADDAD It is an honor to have been asked to coedit this special issue of History Studies devoted to the Middle East. The large number of excellent articles in English and Turkish attests to the significance that scholars in Turkey and elsewhere attach to the Arab and Muslim world. It was Zeine N. Zeine, whose disciple I proudly am, who first noted that in its past the Arab and Muslim world suffered not from too much Turkish attention during the Ottoman period, but from too little. This issue of History Studies reflects this point of view: It is vitally important for Turkey to be attuned to the issues of the Middle East because it is uniquely qualified to serve as a bridge to the West and as a model for the Arab states of a modern and engaged Muslim country. The articles in English are each important. The essay by M. Taibi Ghomari on Algeria shows how an Islamic organization can evolve within the context of the political arena. The article by Samuel J. Kuruvilla on the Christian communities of Jerusalem and how they have suffered under Israeli occupation and by their domination by European chauvinists argues further for the attention of Turkey. And finally, the article by Elvan Ozdemir on Turkey’s foreign relations discusses the positive effects that can come from an engaged and politically active Turkey. Each of the articles is important. It has been a pleasure to have been involved editorially with them and to bring them to the reader. William W. Haddad Professor and Chair California State University, Fullerton History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 EDĠTÖRDEN History Studies Dergisi’ni (www.historyatudies.net) ilk yayınlarken, yılda en az bir kez özel sayı yayınlayacağımızı söylemiĢtik. Bu çerçevede dergimizin ilk özel sayısını yayınlamanın gurur ve heyecanını yaĢıyoruz. History Studies 2010 özel Sayısı’nın konusunu “Ortadoğu” olarak belirleyerek, değerli akademisyenlerimizin katkılarıyla sizlerin istifadelerine sunmuĢ bulunuyoruz. Zengin içerikli “Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı”nı beğeneceğinizi umuyoruz. Bu yıldan itibaren yılda bir özel sayı yayınlamayı da gelenek haline getireceğiz. Bu çerçevede gelecek yılın özel sayısı için belirleyeceğimiz konuyu çok yakın zamanda sizlere duyuracağız. Ortadoğu, dünya tarihinde gelmiĢgeçmiĢ çoğu medeniyetlere ve kültürlere ev sahipliği yapmıĢtır. Bu gün dünyada var olan tanrılı dinlerin de doğduğu coğrafi bir mekândır. Bu nedenle dünya tarihi boyunca toplumların ve devletlerin her zaman ilgi alanı olmuĢ, bu coğrafyaya sahip olma uğruna sayısız savaĢlar ve barıĢlar yapılmıĢtır. Modern zamanda da dünyanın en dikkate değer alanı yine Ortadoğu’dur. Petrolün bulunması ve bunun daha ziyade bu coğrafyada olması bölge dıĢındaki güçlerin buraya ilgisini artırmıĢtır. Dünyada var olan tanrılı dinlerin tamamının doğuĢ yerinin de burada olması ve kutsal mekanların bu bölgede bulunması Ortadoğu’yu daha göz önüne sererek dini ve iktisadi bakımlardan bir cazibe alanı haline getirmiĢtir. Günümüzde Ortadoğu eksenli olan problemler bu temellere dayanmaktadır. Bu çerçevede dergimizin “Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı”nda Ortadoğu tüm yönleriyle ele alınmıĢtır. Burada yayınlanan araĢtırmalar konunun elbette tarihi arka planlarını ortaya koyarak incelemektedir. Bu sayıda araĢtırmacılarımız tarafından hazırlanan ve hakem sürecinden geçen 22 değerli makale ve EDITORIAL When we first published the Journal of History Studies (www.historystudies.net) we declared that we would publish at least one special issue every year. Now we are proud and excited to publish our first special issue. The subject of Special Issue of History Studies 2010 has been defined as “the Middle East” and now we present it to you with the contribution of distinctive academicians. We anticipate that you enjoy the “Special Issue on The Middle East” with its scholarly rich content. From this year forth, it will be our tradition to publish a special issue once in a year and we will soon declare the subject for next year’s special issue. In world history, the Middle East has been the host for many past and present civilizations and cultures. It is also the geographic place where monotheistic religions arose and it is for that reason it has been within the attention of communities and states during the world history and countless wars and peaces have been made for the sake of the possession of the Middle East. It has also been the most remarkable area of the world in modern times. The discovery of petroleum and that the Middle East has most of it has taken the attention of forces outside this region. Being the birth place of monotheistic religions and hosting the religious places has made it centre of attraction in terms of religion and economy. Today, problems with a centre line to Middle East derive from these bases. Accordingly the Middle East is considered in all parts in our “Special Issue on the middle east. Studies published here make their investigations with the presentation of the historical background of the subject. In this issue, there are 22 peer reviewed excellent articles prepared by our researchers and two book reviews and evaluations. Each article is of great importance. Articles published in the History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 ayrıca iki adet kitap tanıtımı ve değerlendirme bulunmaktadır. ÇalıĢmaların her biri çpk değerlidir. Dergide yayınlanan makaleler yazarların soyadlarına göre alfabetik olarak dizilmiĢtir. Bu vesileyle Ortadoğu özel sayısının oluĢumuna çalıĢmaları ile katkıda bulunan sayın Uğur Akbulut, Saadettin BaĢtürk, Ali Bilgenoğlu, Gökhan Bolat, Behçet Kemal çağlar, Emrah Çetin, Halil Erdemir, Hatice Erdemir, M. Taibi Ghomari, Musa GümüĢ, Yılmaz Karadeniz, Samuel J. Kuruvilla, Özer Küpeli, Recep Kürekli, Elvan Özdemir, Sevilay Özer, Yunus Özger, Ramazan Hakkı Öztan, Mustafa Öztürk, Ferhat Pirinççi, Ü. Gülsüm Polat, Ünal TaĢkın ve Murat Yümlü’ye teĢekkür ediyoruz. Kendilerinin bundan sonraki sayılarımızda da çalıĢmalarını göreceğimizi umut ediyoruz. Ortadoğu Özel sayısının misafir editörleri Fırat Üniversitesi Ġnsani ve Sosyal Bilimler Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü öğretim Üyesi ve aynı zamanda Ortadoğu AraĢtırmalar Merkezi Müdürü Prof. Dr. Mustafa ÖZTÜRK ve California State University-Fallerton'dan Prof. Dr. William W. HADDAD hocalar olmuĢlardır. Türkçe makaleler Sayın Mustafa ÖZTÜRK ve Ġngilizce makaleler ise sayın William W. HADDAD tarafından son kez değerlendirildi. Özel sayımızın hazırlığı ve yayınlanması süresince verdikleri destekten ötürü kendilerine teĢekkür ediyoruz. issue are alphabetically ordered in accordance with the surnames of the authors. On this opportunity, we would like to thank esteemed Uğur Akbulut, Saadettin BaĢtürk, Ali Bilgenoğlu, Gökhan Bolat, Behçet Kemal çağlar, Emrah Çetin, Halil Erdemir, Hatice Erdemir, M. Taibi Ghomari, Musa GümüĢ, Yılmaz Karadeniz, Samuel J. Kuruvilla, Özer Küpeli, Recep Kürekli, Elvan Özdemir, Sevilay Özer, Yunus Özger, Ramazan Hakkı Öztan, Mustafa Öztürk, Ferhat Pirinççi, Ü. Gülsüm Polat, Ünal TaĢkın and Murat Yümlü who contributed to the “Special Issue on The Middle East” with their works. We expect to see their studies in our next issues. Guest editors for “the Special Issue on the Middle East” are lecturer Prof. Dr. Mustafa Öztürk from History Department in the Faculty of Human and Social Sciences at Fırat University, who is the same time Chairman of Centre for Researches on The Middle East, and Prof. Dr. William W. HADDAD form California State UniversityFullerton. The articles in Turkish were reviewed by esteemed Mustafa ÖZTÜRK and articles in English were reviewed by esteemed William W. HADDAD. We would like to thank them for their support during the preparation and publication of our special issue. Sizlerin öneri, tavsiye ve eleĢtirileri bizler için yol gösterici olacaktır. Your suggestion, advice and criticisms will be guide for us. Saygılarımla Sincerely yours. Doç. Dr. Osman KÖSE Editör Assoc. Prof. Osman Köse Editor History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 CONTENTS/ ĠÇĠNDEKĠLER Uğur AKBULUT………………………………………………………………1 – 11 Suriye'ye Ġlk Telgraf Hatlarının Çekilmesi Fiest Telgraph Lines to beİnstalled Through Syria Saadettin BAġTÜRK…………………………………………………………..13 – 26 Timur’un Ortadoğu-Anadolu Seferleri, Bu Seferlere KarĢı Koyma Çabaları ve Sonuçları Middle East-Anatolian İncursions of Timor, Struggles Against This İncursion And Results Ali BĠLGENOĞLU ……………………………………………………………27 – 46 Ortadoğu’da Bir Öncü: Modernitenin Mısır’a Ġlk TaĢıyıcısı Rifa’a Rafi el-Tahtavî (1801-1873) An Early Modern in the Middle East: The First Supporter of Modernity in Egypt: Rifa’a Rafi al-Tahtawi (1801-1873) Gökhan BOLAT………………………………………………………………..47 – 65 Ġngiltere DıĢiĢleri Bakanlığı Tarafından Ġngiliz Hükümetine Sunulan Gizli Bir Rapora Göre I. Dünya SavaĢı Sonrasında Transkafkasya ve Kafkas Cumhuriyetlerinin Genel Durumu (Curzon Of Kedleston Raporu) According to a Secret Report, presented by Foreign Office to the Government of Great Britain, situation of Transcaucasia and Caucasian Republics after the First World War (The Report of Curzon of Kedleston) Behçet Kemal YEġĠLBURSA…………………………………………………67 – 98 Demokrat Parti Dönemi Türkiye’nin Ortadoğu Politikası (1950-1960) Turkey’s Middle Eastern Policy during the Democrat Party Era (1950-1960) Emrah ÇETĠN …………………………………………………………………99 – 115 Basınına Göre Hicaz Demiryolu (1900-1918) According to Turkish Publishing Hedjaz Railway (1900-1919 Halil ERDEMĠR – Hatice ERDEMĠR ………………………………………..117 – 136 Kudüs’te Yahudi Ġsyanı ve Yahudiler Jewish Rebellion in Jerusalem and Jews TAIBI Ghomari .………………………………………… Secularization of the Islamic Mouvement in Algeria …………….…. 137 – 143 Cezayir’deki İslami hareketin Laikleştirilmesi Musa GÜMÜġ …………………………………………………………………145 – 163 Namık Kemâl’e Göre “ġark Meselesi” ve Osmanlı Devleti’ni ÇöküĢe Götüren Sorunlar According to Namik Kemal “Eastern Question” and The Problems That Lead To Collapse Ottoman State History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 Yılmaz KARADENĠZ ……………………………………………………...… 165 – 181 Bağdat, Basra, Bahreyn Mücadelesine Dair Layiha ve Necid Bölgelerinde Osmanlı-Ġngiliz Nüfuz lating Report about Political Effect Struggle Between Britain and Ottoman on the Baghdad, Basra, Bahreyn and Necid Regions Yılmaz KARADENĠZ………………………………………………………… 183 – 198 MuĢ Sancağı’nda Ermeni Mezalimi (1915-1918) Armenian Atrocities in Muş Sanjak (1915-1918 Samuel J KURUVĠLLA ……………………………………………………..199 – 225 The Politics of Mainstream Christianity in Jerusalem Kudüs’ün Katolik - Ortodoks Hristiyan Politikaları Özer KÜPELĠ …………………………………………………………………..227 – 244 Irak-ı Arap'ta Osmanlı – Safevi Mücadelesi (XVI-XVII. Yüzyıllar) Ottoman - Safavid Struggle on the Iraq-ı Arab (XVI-XVIIth Centuries Recep KÜREKLĠ ………………………………………………………………245 – 269 Hicaz Demiryolu’nun Akdeniz’e Açılması ile YaĢanan Sosyo-Ekonomik DönüĢüm: Hayfa Kazası Örneği Have Being Lived Socio-Economic Transformation with the Opening Hedjaz Railway to the Mediterranean Sea: A Case Study on Haifa Qadâ Elvan ÖZDEMĠR……………………………………………………………….271 – 285 Turkey's Middle East Policy in the Post-Cold War Era Soğuk Savaş Sonrası Türkiye'nin Ortadoğu Politikası Sevilay ÖZER……………………………………………………………………287 – 299 Chester Projesi’nin Hâkimiyet-i Milliye Gazetesine Yansıması Reflection of Chester Project to Hâkimiyet-i Milliye Newspaper Yunus ÖZGER………………………………………………………………….301 – 323 Mısır'ın Ġdari ve Sosyo-Ekonomik Yapısına Dair II. Abdülhamit'e Sunulan Bir Layiha A Report Submitted to Abdülhamit II on Administrative and Social-Economic Structures of Egypt Mustafa ÖZTÜRK…………………………………………………………….. 325 – 351 Arap Ülkelerinde Osmanlı Ġdaresi Ottoman Administration in Arabian Countries Ferhat PĠRĠNÇÇĠ ……………………………………………………………...353 - 374 Ġsrail'in Silahlanmasında ABD’nin Rolü ve ABD-Ġsraill Stratejik ĠliĢkisinin BaĢlaması (1956-1973) The Role of the U.S. in the Armanent of Israel and the Strat of the U.S.-Israel Strategic Relationship (1956-1973) History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 Ferhat PĠRĠNÇÇĠ ……………………………………………………………..375 – 392 Ortadoğu'da Silahlanmayı Ġlk Kontrol GiriĢimi: Üçlü Deklarasyon First Control Attempt of Armanent in the Middle Eeast: The Tripartite Declaration Ü. Gülsüm POLAT……………………………………………………………..393 – 410 Ġngiliz Ġstihbaratına Göre Birinci Dünya Harbi BaĢlarında Ortadoğu’daki Osmanlı Ajanları The Ottoman Agents in the Middle East at the Beginning of the First World War, According to the British Intelligence Ünal TAġKIN ……………………………………………………………….....411– 427 Ġcmal Defterlerine Göre Safed'de Timar Timar in the Safad According to the İcnal Defters KĠTAP TANITIM VE DEĞERLENDĠRME / REVĠEW and DĠSCUSSĠON Mustafa ÖZTÜRK…………….…………………………….…………..……. 429 – 432 Dünya Orta Doğu ÇalıĢmaları Kongresi (World Congress for Middle East StudiesWOCMES Barcelona 2010) Üzerine Notlar Notes on the World Congress for Middle East Studies (WOCMES) Barcelona 2010 Ramazan Hakkı ÖZTAN …………………………….………………………..….433 – 435 The Armenian Massacres in Ottoman Turkey: A Disputed Genocide GUENTER LEWY. The Armenian Massacres in Ottoman Turkey: A Disputed Genocide Murat Yümlü .………………………………………………………………………437 – 446 " 'Bir Devrin Cemiyet Adamı: Doktor Fuad Umay' Biyografisi Üzerine Bir Ġnceleme" An Examination On The Biography of “ Doctor Fuad Umay-A Time's Society Man” History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 Secularization of the Islamic Movement in Algeria Cezayir’deki İslami hareketin Laikleştirilmesi M. Taibi Ghomari* Abstract: When observing the Algerian Islamic movement during the last two decades, one is stunned by the transformations in the initial projects of this movement. At the beginning the main concern was the return to traditional forms in order to reorganize Algerian society, but the result was very different. This movement managed to assimilate the very modern system of organizing societies that is the democratic system. This movement is structured into legal parties and participates regularly in democratic elections, and forms coalitions with national parties Those political parties, whose programs advocated Islam as a solution, are now the defenders of secular solutions to political and economical problems, far from the idealistic project they first held. The international, geopolitical changes and the evolution that Algerian society has gone through, forced the Islamic movement to make concessions, according to the traditional political agenda announced by this movement and * Assoc. Prof. Dr., Laboratory of Sociological and Historical Researches,Université de Mascara - Algérie History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 Secularization of the Islamic Movement in Algeria 140 after multipartism was recognized by the Algerian constitution. The modern state was substituted for the Islamic state, and the call for an Islamic Caliphate was made less important than a nationalistic presidency. In this essay, I will discuss the avatars of the Islamic movement in Algeria. By avatars I mean the contradictions between what was claimed in the first projects of this movement, and the reality of this movement today. The first part of the article sheds light on the Islamic movement in order to prove its deep attachment to the traditional Islamic heritage. I will then focus on the political practices of this movement which is the new secularization of the Islamic movement in Algeria. Keywords: Secularization - Islamic movement – Algeria - political parties - politics. Özet Son yirmi yıl boyunca Cezayir İslami hareketleri gözlemlendiğinde, bu hareketin başlagıç projesinde büyük değişimlerin görüldüğü şaşırtıcıdır. Başlangıçta, Cezayir halkının geleneksel formuna geri dönmesi meselenin temelini oluşturuyordu fakat sonuçlar çok farklıydı. Bu hareket, sistemi uygulayan toplumların demokratik sistem olarak adlandırdığı modern bir sistemi assimile etmeyi başarmıştır. Bu hareket yasal partiler şeklinde yapılanır, demokratik seçimlere düzenli olarak katılr ve ulusal partilerle koalisyon yapar. Programlarında bir çözüm olarak İslamı savunan bu politik partiler, başlangıçta savundukları idealist projelerin çok uzağında, politik ve ekonomik problemlerin laiklik ışığında çözüm önerileriyle modern seçim kampanyalarının en şiddetli savunucuları haline gelmiştirler. Cezayir toplumunun adım adım değişimi, uluslararsı ve jeopolitik değişimler, çok parlilikliğn Cezayir anayasası tarafından tanınmasından sonra ve bu hareket tqarafında duyurulan geleneksel politik gündeme göre Islami hareketi büyük bir konsesnsus içerisine çekmiştir. Modern devletin yerini islami devlet aldı ve ulusal başkanlık adaylığı için daha düşük bir politik destekle islami halife çağrılması fikri gözden geçirildi. Bu bildiride Cezayirdeki islami hareketin avatarlarını ele alacağım. Avatarlarla kastım, bu hareketin başlangıcındaki projelerle günümüzdeki durumu arasındaki çelişkilerdir. Bildirinin ilk kısmında, hareketin geleneksel islam mirasına olan bağlılığını kanıtlamak için İslami harekete ışık tutacağım. Sunucu daha sonra, bildirinin özünü oluşturan Cezayirdeki islami hareketin laikleştirilmesi meselesine vararak bu hareketin politik uygulamaları üzerinde odaklanacaktır. Keywords: Laiklik - İslami hareket- Cezayir - Siyasi partiler - politika Introduction: When observing the Algerian Islamic movement during the last two decades, we are astonished by the big transformation of the initial projects of this movement. At the beginning, the main appeal of this movement was the return to traditional forms in order to reorganize Algerian society. However, the results were totally different. The Islamic movement has integrated itself with the very modern system of organized societies: the democratic system. This movement is structured into legal parties and participates regularly in democratic elections, and forms coalitions with national parties In the political program of these parties, and after what they formerly called 'Islam is the solution', Islamists are now the farouche defender of modernist electoral campaign, centered on History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 141 M. Taibi GHOMARI secular solutions to political and economical problems, far from the idealistic project they first held. The international geopolitical changes and the evolutions of Algerian society, forced the Islamic movement to make concessions, according to the traditional political agenda announced by this movement after multipartism was recognized by the Algerian constitution. The modern state was substituted for the Islamic state, and the call for an Islamic Caliph became less important than support for the nationalistic presidential candidate. The beginning of the paper sheds light on the literature of the Islamic movement in order to prove its attachment to the traditional Islamic heritage. Then I focus on the political practices of the movement. Finally, the author will discuss the new secularization of the Islamic movement in Algeria. Ideological paradox: The constituting literature of the Islamist movement in Algeria establishes the 'transcendence' principle of both institutions and persons. Before they integrated into the political systems, the Islamist organizations appeared to activists and to the whole society as sacred institutions, and their leaders as sacred persons. Their job was to resolve the political and social problems of the society and to be the last protectors of Islam and the saviors of Muslims. When they first took part in the local political system, the Islamists expected to play the political game without accepting its rules. By doing so, the Algerian Islamist organizations were known as the unique choice leading to paradise: 'Your vote is a sacred duty', 'Saoutouqa amanah fi ounouqiqa', and 'your vote is a testimony', 'Sawta-ka shahada'. And of course every Muslim must be questioned, in the last day "l'au-delà", about his sacred duty and testimony. By these indoctrinations, the Islamic organizations and Islamists were identified as Islam-By-Analogy. Being out of these organizations and against these persons meant that you were against Islam, 'qafir'. In its history the Algerian Islamist movement has experienced two major steps. In the first, it was represented as the Islamic nation 'Umah' project legitimate holder. It was seen as compensation for nationalist failure, in the reunification of Muslims under the control of a unique Caliph, and in the reestablishment of Muslims as the leaders of civilization. After the nationalists’ success in decolonizing Algeria, their abandonment of Islamic ideals and their participation in national developmental westernized projects, they gave a golden opportunity for the Islamist to rise as a fierce defender of a unified Islamic state. Thus was born the tension between the nationstate and the Islamic Umah. The Islamic movement tried at first to resist the secularizing process of the national project, by “re-islamizing” the Algerian society through NGOs (Non Governmental Organizations). However, in my point of view, this attempt led to a counter-effect because it reinforced the secularization of a Islamic society, by distinguishing between Islam and the state: As Islamists create civil institutions, whole new areas of private Muslim activity and Muslim areas of life become liberated from the control of the state. Islamists are in effect putting together a project based upon society and the public that is quite separate from the state and its instruments. They are creating a “Muslim space” within societies outside of and beyond government control that History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 Secularization of the Islamic Movement in Algeria 142 serves goals different from that of the state. Such space clearly represents a form of civil society that flourishes apart from state-controlled space. Here we have de facto separation of state and religion. (Graham E. Fuller. 2004: 33) The nationalist regime responded to these attempts violently by persecuting Islamists and pushing them into clandestine activities and more radicalization. In the second step, and in order to avoid nationalist pressure, the Islamists attempted conforming themselves to modernity and to nation-state values. In other words, they tried to integrate into the legal political system but this time by respecting the rules of the political game. They first abandoned the principle transcendence, and instead of idealizing the Islamic Umah and Caliph, they were satisfied with an honorable place in the national political map, recognizing all other political movements, including communists and secularists. This new status of the Algerian Islamic movement pushed it to a decisive concession, imposed by the 1996 constitution: the acceptance of the law, which forbade political parties to be religious. By this concession, the Islamists agreed to a central secular principle: the elimination of religion from the political sphere. The Movement of the Islamic Renaissance 'Harakat al-Nahda al-Islamiya' became the Renaissance Movement 'Harakat Anahda', and the movement of the Islamic society 'Harakat Almoujtamaou AlIslami' became the Society of Peace Movement 'Harakat Moujtamaou Alsilm'. If the Islamists accepted the first step, the distinction between religion and the state, in the second step they would apply it in their own organization to avoid ejection from the state, as was the case for radical Islamists. By this, the Islamists realized a difficult and a painful blending of what is modern and traditional. This blending gave the Islamist Movement the opportunity to renew its political project, by restructuring it in a reformed version, which I consider to be secular version of the Islamist's project. Therefore, in their attempt to modernize Islam or Islamize Modernity, the Algerian Islamists found themselves cast right into the heart of modernity by choosing secularism. ,Political practices paradox: Having become political participants, the Islamist parties based their political projects and strategy on criticizing nationalist development. They focused on nationalist regime failure in not rectifying the economic and social challenges inherited from the colonial era. At first, the main Islamists bemoaned the secularization of society while corrupt nationalist leaders argued that the second was the result of the first. The absence of Islamic values and absence of God allowed for a fear of leaders free of any form of responsibility to society. The Islamists presented the nationalist leaders as the principle cause of underdevelopment. This corruption was due, according to the Islamists’ point of view, to the “non-religiosity” of these leaders. So, it was thought, if there was a wish to resolve Algeria’s political, social and economic problems, there was a need to re-Islamize Algerian society and its leaders. They then presented themselves as the sole alternative to this corrupted regime. This discourse was welcomed by society, because the Islamist critics had touched a very sensitive part. The majority of people were suffering, and the Islamists were seen as divine saviors of a society hurrying toward an apocalypse. History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 143 M. Taibi GHOMARI The religious approach to the Algerian crisis was resisted during the first years of the multi-party system, but once elected in local and municipal elections, the Islamists were required to give material proof of their approach. Algerians hoped to see the validity of the Islamist formula of: Good Muslim = right leader = real Islamic society = end of crisis. In reality they saw neither good Muslims nor right leaders, and as a consequence, no end to the crisis. More than this, Algerians started suffering new and more negative dimensions of the crisis. At this level Algerians became convinced that leaders, even if they are Islamist, are always only political. Maybe these leaders can be good Islamic theologians, but this did not mean they would be good and efficient politicians. When religious and theological knowledge is removed from the Islamist politician, one has only socially poor and inexperienced men; with no conscious of real challenges that the Algerian society had to confront. To conclude, they were no better than those they always criticized. Surprisingly, the nationalist epoch, even with its dramatic faults, can be evaluated better than any Islamist dream with its potentiality to turn into a nightmare. Thus, the Islamist tried to unify politics and religion and they succeeded very well theoretically, but when they were given the opportunity to prove it in practice, they faced the opposite of what they wanted. Instead of Islamicizing politics, they secularized Islam. This secularization of Islam was increased by a very intelligent maneuver undertaken by nationalists through President Abdul-Aziz BOUTEFLIKA. As a nationalist who was untainted by corruption, the president recognized the nationalist regime’s mistakes, and agreed with most Islamist critics and their approaches: corruption of administration, negative impact of economical and Mafia trade. He adopted the Islamist's proposed alternative to the crisis: rehabilitation of the Arabic language, reformation of the educational and judicial systems; and an alliance with apolitical Sufi Islam. This new nationalist strategy pulled the rug from under the Islamists’ feet, and they were transformed to secular and modern political parties. Indicators of Islamist secularization: Secularism and modernity in Islamist parties can be proved through the indicators below: 1- Internal conflicts: Internal conflicts were for a long time a permanent characteristic of the Islamists, but they always succeeded in managing them so secretly that any external person would conceive the movement as solid, strong and homogenous. It was able to be seen by society as the ultimate solution for Algeria’s problems. However, was a big surprise to the Algerians when they discovered that the activists and leaders of this movement were no different from the nationalist movement by using official institutions and political and professional organizations to promote their own and personal interests. History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 Secularization of the Islamic Movement in Algeria 144 After 1999, the first Islamist conflict began within the Nahdha Movement (MN), when dissidents obliged historical leader and founder of the MN, Sheikh DJABALLAH Abdallah, to leave the party with some of his supporters. He created a new party and named it the “Movement for National Reform” (MRN). However, in 2004, a new conflict arose in this new party, and once again Abdallah was forced to leave the party after a juridical decision. Targeting the leader of an Islamist party on two occasions is an important indicator of the secularization of these parties. In the collective imagination of Islamist activism, the leader is not only a political authority, but is also a religious and theological authority and is called Sheikh, so he is a sacred person. This status protects the Islamist leader, and no one dares contradicting him. When some of the activists of MN and MRN decided to eject their leader, they stopped seeing him as a sacred person, but rather regarded him as a political person and acted accordingly. In the Movement of Society for Peace (MSP), the conflict began after the death of Sheikh NAHNAH. The schism started before the MSP congress in 2008, and became concrete in 2009 when opponents of Sheikh SOLTANI, the new MSP leader, declared their retreat from MSP and created a new Islamist movement. What is important about this split is that after a long struggle between brothers, and in spite of virulent attacks against each other, the two fractions took the same position towards the candidacy of President BOUTEFLIKA. This led, in my view, to a new level of the secularization of the Islamist movement, since the conflict was purely political. No one during these episodes tried to put forward religious solutions to the conflicts, as was the case in Islamist tradition. All debates were political and so were the solutions. The idealic Islamist aim to rule a whole nation by rehabilitating the Muslim Caliph, was once again set aside. Thus their two decades in politics came to nothing more than supporting the national and secular leaders. In the local and social imagination, internal conflicts detached the Islamist movement from the realm of the sacred, and attached it to the political one. 2- Coalition with secularists and nationalists: Throughout their history, the Islamists divided on political participation with secularists and nationalists with three distinct positions. First, the radical position refuses any cohabitation with regimes in place. This position usually leads to terrorism. The second position accepts the democratic rules of the political game transitively. They declare that after gaining a political majority, they will change democratic rules to Islamic ones. This position also often leads to terrorism. The third position is the participatory. It adopts a strategy of living with other ideologies, even if they are non-Islamic. In the first two positions the religious conviction of the Islamists dictates the political position, but in the third position priority is given to politics rather than religion. Therefore, the acceptance of political cohabitation with secularists and nationalists also indicates of Islamist secularity. The political participation of Islamists in the Algerian government began in 1992 when nationalist leaders decided to integrate some individual Islamists opponents in the political regime in order to isolate the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS). In 1996, the MSP accepted participation into the government with two ministers, and since then they have always participated in the government, with seven ministers in 1997. In 1999, they started what was called the presidential History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 145 M. Taibi GHOMARI coalition with the National Liberation Front (FLN), the National Democratic Assembling (RND), and the MN. In 2004, the coalition was renewed but without the MN, and this alliance continues as of this writing. This political participation and coalition with nationalists and secularists reflects the modesty of Islamist aims. After having called for all Muslims to support the mythic return of the Islamic state, they are now satisfied with a symbolic presence in the Algerian political system without any Islamic state. So Islamists are satisfied with politics to the detriment of their mythical theocratic project. 3- No candidate to presidency: In the collective imagination of Islamists, the return to an Islamic state must be done through Islamists' direction of the state. Logically, this control cannot be done without an Islamist president. However, the reality of Islamist political practices in Algeria indicates that they are no longer concerned with this aim. After their defeat in the presidential elections of 1995, they have been content to support the nationalist presidential candidate on three occasions. With this strategy, they are not only accepting to be ruled by a nationalist leader, but they also accept giving Islamist legitimacy to a non-Islamist leader. This can be interpreted in Islamist concepts as divine testimony to the primacy of politics, or what I call Islamist secularization. 4- Denial of international Islamic brotherhood guidance: In Algeria Sufism is the sole local version of Islam while all other versions are imported from the east, either from Saudi Arabia for Salafism, or from Egypt for the Muslim Brotherhood. This importation implies at least a symbolic dependency of Algerian Islamists on these origins and was seen as a religious obligation. For the Muslim Brotherhood, represented in Algeria by the MSP, they created the International Muslim Brotherhood. Their aim consisted of the fact that, if each local organization succeeds in changing its local society into Islamic society, the sum of the local changes would be the desired and expected Islamic state. After the internal conflicts of the MSP highlighted above, and after the General Guide of the Muslim Brotherhood amicably attempted to resolve the problem, the MSP declared its independence from the international Muslim Brotherhood, and is now an Algerian political party. Once again, this independence is proof that Islamists are choosing to be secular. Conclusion There is a big difference between conviction and practice. The Islamists are convinced that Islam is a religion, a society and a state. More than the weakness of this slogan to resist before Islamic and non-Islamic critics, the Islamic experiences in the past and today give us powerful proof that Islam cannot build an Islamic state but only a state adapted to the Nunc and Hunc (here and now). Every time the Islamists get the opportunity to realize the project of the Islamic state, they realize a non-Islamic state. Islamist themselves thus shorten their Islamic convictions to a religion and a society, but never a state. Modern history proved several times that Islamist History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010 Secularization of the Islamic Movement in Algeria 146 Movements are Islamists only when they are out of their local political systems. Once they assume the power democratically or through violence, they turn to banal political movements, which are not so different than secularists or nationalists. So either they dash to interminable bloody conflicts with other internal or external ideologies and powers, or they dash to internal schisms and conflicts. In both cases they are very far from the idealistic projects they always militate for, the Islamic state, and very close to the secular one. Reference: - Graham E. Fuller. (2004). The future of political Islam. New York: Palgrave, Macmilan. History Studies Ortadoğu Özel Sayısı / Middle East Special Issue 2010
